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Abstract This article addresses two ethical challenges that, over the past decade, have become particularly prominent for any scholar conducting fieldwork research in contested spaces or on contested research themes. These are, first, the role researchers choose to adopt in the field and, second, the ways in which research is theoretically positioned. This article contributes to these debates by looking at binary constructs in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories and the consequences on both substantive analysis and claims of academic neutrality. I will propose that theoretical positioning and the role of a researcher are not separate aspects within the ethics debate but instead should be approached as a dynamic process which requires continuous critical reflexivity. Discussing the political discourse of joint Palestinian and Israeli nonviolent activists, I argue that the participants of the nonviolent struggle do not 'merely' strive for peace but rather aim to transform the perception of the current situation from binary conflict into a 'classic' human rights struggle. Through a brief genealogy of writings on Israel–Palestine I will connect the practical positioning of the activists to academic analyses. Depicting the contemporary situation in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories as 'binary conflict' with the desired solution 'peace' is not academically neutral but rather entails a paradigm that encourages binary categories which are a poor reflection of the reality, distort unequal power relations and ignores the lived experience of violence. The far-reaching consequences of the peace and conflict paradigm on academic analyses are then illustrated through a critical exploration of the 'war of narratives' surrounding the 2010 Gaza Freedom Flotilla. In conclusion, I will connect the ethics of theoretical positioning and the role of a researcher by elaborating on my personal motivation to join the Gaza Freedom Flotilla. I demonstrate how my research experience shaped my theoretical framework and how my theoretical framework subsequently significantly altered my perception of the appropriate role of a researcher. In other words, how my research results directly led to the conscious decision to join the Gaza Freedom Flotilla as an activist exactly because I am dedicated to academic research. Keywords: Israel–PalestineconflictnonviolenceGaza flotillahuman rights Notes 1. Joint nonviolent activists are spread over half a dozen different organizations and grassroots initiatives each with their own specific focus or concentrated area. Nonetheless, joint nonviolent activists classify themselves—and are recognized by others within the activist community—as a distinct group that shares a particular 'political culture' (Gordon, Citation2008, p. 14). 2. Ta'ayush ('living together' in Arabic) is a grassroots, non-hierarchical direct action group consisting of Palestinians and Israelis that aim to break the, in their opinion, artificial binary divide Palestinians–Israelis through direct solidarity actions such as demonstrations, working days and information distribution. For more information see: http: //www. taayush. org/ 3. Combatants for Peace, Ta'ayush, the Parent Circle-Bereaved Family Forum, and the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD). 4. I consciously use the term 'myths' rather than 'lies' (even though many have indeed been proven factually incorrect) because as John Rose points out: '… a lie is "an intentionally false statement, a deliberate deception", whereas a myth is "a widely held but false notion, without necessarily deceptive intent" (Rose, Citation2004, p. 1) '. Whether true, false, intentional or obsolete, they form for many Israelis today an integral part of their (imagined) national history. 5. At the end of the 19th century, Arabism, the prelude to Arab nationalist thinking, brought with it a strong sense of location-specific self-awareness. In Palestine alone, there were already eight regional newspapers and 21 periodical publications. There were 98 public schools and 379 private Islamic educational facilities (Khalidi, Citation1979, p. 213). These figures indicate that in the period of the first Aliya, Palestine was not the backwards, stagnated country the Zionist movement would like us to believe. 6. Nakba ('catastrophe' in Arabic) refers to the events of May 1948 in which approximately 700, 000 Palestinians were displaced and more than 400 Palestinian villages were destroyed in the territory that we now call Israel. 7. See for example: A. L Tibawi, 1939 The Husain-McMahon correspondence, or: Palestine is covered by the British pledge of 1915 regarding the Arab independence. Jaffa: Submitted to the Palestine Royal Commission. Albert Hourani, 1962 A vision of history: Near Eastern and other essays. Beirut: Khayats. Philip K. Hitti, 1951. History of Syria, including Lebanon and Palestine London: Macmillan. 8. Most notably George Antonius's The Arab Awakening, 1938. 9. The two main instigators of this renewed school of thought were Edward Said and Michel Foucault. While from very different perspectives, disciplines and continents and with different intentions, both emphasized the relationship between power and knowledge, taking the 'imperialist' or 'orientalist' mindset as a position of unequal, suppressed power relations not only between official doctrine and submerged discourses but also between the researcher and the researched. For further reading see: Edward Said, 1991 Orientalism. London: Penguin. And: Michel Foucault, 1972. The Archaeology of Knowledge. London: Tavistock Publications. 10. The anti-Boycott, Disinvestment and Sanctions law passed by the Knesset on the 11th of June 2011 is one example of how nonviolent protest is delegitimized by construed binary stigmatization: Lis, J. (11-07-2011) 'Israel passes law banning calls for boycott' Ha'aretz. 11. Passenger lists for all boat journeys can be found at the Free Gaza Movement website: http: //www. freegaza. org/en/all-passengers/57-first-trip-to-gaza? layout = default. Information and analyses conveyed in this article regarding the various overseas journeys to Gaza is based on organizational resources, fieldwork data (June 2007 to September 2009), personal testimonies and first-hand direct experiences (Gaza Freedom Flotilla 2011). 12. The following information stems from fieldwork notes and recorded interviews of several steering committee meetings. In addition I draw upon data retrieved through participant observation of both the preparation period and the voyage of the Gaza Freedom Flotilla itself. All activists were aware that I attended the meetings as a researcher. As will be discussed later, this changed three weeks before departure when I decided to join the Flotilla and become a passenger. All information enclosed here has been extensively discussed and approved by the activists. 13. For more information on previous voyages and the goal of the Free Gaza Movements see: http: //www. freegaza. org 14. The Free Gaza Flotilla coalition consists of: The Free Gaza Movement; the European Campaign to End the Siege on Gaza; IHH—the Turkish Foundation for Human Rights, Freedoms and Humanitarian Relief; the International Committee to End the Siege on Gaza; Ship to Gaza Sweden and Ship to Gaza Greece. 15. Points of Unity of the Gaza Freedom Flotilla and individual passengers. Printed with permission of the Free Gaza Movement Interim Board of Directors. http: //www. freegaza. org/en/about-us/mission. Retrieved on 29-05-2010. 16. An affinity group is a small group of activists who work together on particular direct actions. Affinity groups are organized in a non-hierarchal manner and serve as a practical tool to enable consensus-based decision-making in large groups as well as to provide solidarity and emotional support to the individual activists. 17. It was agreed upon by all organizing bodies that the points of unity, passenger training and the affinity group system would apply to all passengers without exception. All the passengers that I met during the voyage and all those I have spoken to after had indeed received the training and signed the points of unity. Due to the large amount of participants, however, I cannot verify whether every single passenger aboard of the vessels met the requirements as set out by the participating organizations. 18. Abstract from communication between the Israeli marine and the Gaza Freedom Flotilla steering committee over an open line at the onboard radio: personal observation and field notes. 19. 27-09-2010 Report of the international fact-finding mission to investigate violations of international law, including international humanitarian and human rights law, resulting from the Israeli attacks on the flotilla of ships carrying humanitarian assistance. http: //www2. ohchr. org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/15session/A. HRC. 15. 21ₑn. PDF 20. 27-09-2010 Report of the international fact-finding mission to investigate violations of international law, including international humanitarian and human rights law, resulting from the Israeli attacks on the flotilla of ships carrying humanitarian assistance. http: //www2. ohchr. org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/15session/A. HRC. 15. 21ₑn. PDF 21. There were 60 registered journalists onboard, spread over the seven boats of the Flotilla. 22. Some personal belongings have been returned to the passengers. This did not include, however, any recorded materials of the boarding and does not include electronic equipment such as cameras, telephones and laptops. 23. The extent to which the passengers aboard the Gaza Freedom Flotilla and their sympathizers were portrayed as 'anti-Israeli' can be taken from various news reports describing erupting protests against the Flotilla raid as 'anti-Israel protests'. This included well-known news outlets such as the British Guardian newspaper ('Anti-Israel protests over flotilla attack intensify', 01-07-2010) and The Telegraph newspaper ('Gaza aid flotilla attacks: anti-Israel protests around the world', 02-07-2010). 24. The most visible spokesperson of Israeli authorities regarding the Gaza Freedom Flotilla raid can be argued to be Mark Regev. As an official IDF spokesperson he consistently subdivided the passengers aboard into 'peace activists' and Turkish terrorists; Regev, M (01-07-2010) 'Mark Regev Interviewed about Gaza Freedom Flotilla by John Snow'. Channel 4: http: //www. youtube. com/watch? v = b06gRNₜL74. Retrieved on 05-08-2011. 25. The HH Mavi Marmara sailed under the flag of Comoros. 26. Serious injuries were reported among passengers of all vessels. As such, the Challenger One was entered with sound-grenades, paint balls and rubber-coated steel bullets. Before the Israeli commandos physically entered the boat on which I was present, I was already hit by six rubber bullets in my back followed by direct interpersonal violence including severe beating, gagging and the application of black hoods over the head by Israeli navy commandos. 27. The autopsy report concludes that at least five of the nine fatal victims of the raid on the Gaza Freedom Flotilla were shot from close range suggesting 'execution style' killings: 27-09-2010 Report of the international fact-finding mission to investigate violations of international law, including international humanitarian and human rights law, resulting from the Israeli attacks on the flotilla of ships carrying humanitarian assistance. Retrieved 07-08-2011 http: //www2. ohchr. org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/15session/A. HRC. 15. 21ₑn. PDF 28. The claim that the passengers of the flotilla either were terrorists themselves or had strong connections to registered terrorists groups has been put forward through both official IDF press releases and popular media outlets: http: //www. ynetnews. com/articles/0, 7340, L-3899960, 00. html 29. Israeli spokespersons never fully explained why any extremists would 'attack' Israel in this manner but regularly suggested ties with Al-Qaida and thus implied that it would concern an irrational act against 'the West' that should be placed in the global 'war on terror'.
A. de Jong (Mon,) studied this question.