On the aspectual values of gradable predicates in Mandarin Chinese†

Abstract This study presents a syntactic analysis of the different aspectual readings of a gradable predicate in Mandarin Chinese. It is argued that such predicates contain an uninterpretable/underspecified α dynamic feature that needs a value. To receive a value, the feature must be in a c‐command relation with a functional element. For example, a functional element like the degree adverb hen ‘very,’ which is in the head of the Degree Phrase, can assign the feature with a negative value, and the predicate has a stative reading. In contrast, a null atelic morpheme in the head of the Inner Aspect Phrase can give a plus value to the predicate and it has an atelic and dynamic reading. The present study also discusses the telic reading of the same kind of predicates functioning either as the main predicate or a secondary one. It is argued that a covert telic morpheme is responsible for the telic reading. The proposed analysis shows that a syntactic account is as plausible as a lexical one, providing a comprehensive understanding of the aspectual readings of gradable predicates in Mandarin Chinese.