This paper offers a critical examination of two influential analyses of syllable structure in Moroccan Arabic (MA), namely those proposed by Benhallam (1980, 1989) and Boudlal (2001, 2012). Though differing in theoretical orientation—derivational and prosodic respectively—both frameworks have been widely cited as representative accounts of MA syllabification. The present study revisits these proposals in light of phonological data from the northwestern dialect of Moroccan Arabic (NWMA), a variety that exhibits distinct patterns of vowel distribution, schwa occurrence, and consonant clustering. The analysis demonstrates that neither framework, in its current form, adequately accounts for these features. Benhallam’s rule-based model fails to capture the interaction between syllable structure and morphological templatic organization, while Boudlal’s prosodic approach overgenerates abstract entities of doubtful empirical status. By identifying these shortcomings, the paper underscores the need for a revised model of syllabification capable of integrating the morphophonological characteristics of NWMA. The goal, however, is not to advance such a model here, but to highlight the limitations of existing accounts as a necessary step toward that direction.
Mustapha El Hadri (Sat,) studied this question.