As it was in the 1960s, political instability and polarization are once again the new normal in the West, with various sociopolitical groups both pushing for these conditions and being created because of them. Groups such as Antifa and the Alt-Right first began gaining public attention in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis, with the COVID-19 pandemic further ushering in a new era of protests, activism, and backlash. Increasingly, small but highly visible vanguard groups have been coalescing in various forms to react to what they each perceive as various weaknesses of modern liberal democratic and capitalist systems, vanguard here being understood broadly as a group of people leading the way with radically new sociopolitical ideas that disrupt the present status quo.The influence of these vanguards on mainstream politics is becoming more and more clear. In Judis and Teixeira's best-selling book, Where Have All the Democrats Gone? The Soul of the Party in the Age of Extremes, the Democratic Party strategists refer to “shadow parties” that have been pressuring high officials to accept extreme, far-left political positions. They note that these shadow parties and their views “are not representative of everyone who lives in Evanston, Illinois, or Mountain View, California, or Austin, Texas, but they represent the most concentrated, best organized, most extreme, and most highly publicized expression of what many people in these places and in college towns think about the economy, race, immigration, and the family.”1 In further detailing the influence of these shadow parties, the authors go on to suggest that young staffers often determine the political direction of many media organizations and foundations, and that they “have a dense network of righteousness—senior staff are too often cowed by it.”2 They go on to summarize these shadow parties thusly: “Rescuing a useful term from the old socialist lexicon, one could describe this shadow party and its group and influentials as representing the vanguard of the college-educated professionals in the post-industrial metro centers.”3Similarly, on the other side of the political aisle, a number of recent mainstream books have also attended to the effects that some far-right “shadow parties”/vanguards have been having on mainstream politics. For example, both Green's Devil's Bargain: Steve Bannon, Donald Trump, and the Nationalist Uprising and Teitelbaum's War for Eternity: Inside Bannon's Far‑Right Circle of Global Power Brokers have specifically noted the role that some far-right vanguards, such as the Alt-Right, have had on power players within the Republican Party.4 In Europe, there has also been a notable amount of mainstream coverage on the effect that some far-right vanguards, such as the Identitarians (and, in particular, one of their leaders, Martin Sellner), have been having on mainstream politics and political parties, especially in Germany.5It is clear from this work, and the events leading to it, that these fringe groups are exerting quite a bit of influence across the political spectrum on some key political actors and processes. This influence is also leading further to the creation and proliferation of new vanguard groups. Christopher Rufo's America's Cultural Revolution: How the Radical Left Conquered Everything is just one example (in this case, from the right) of a number of recent books that not only detail an enemy vanguard, but are themselves a call to arms for new counter vanguards to take up and fight the influence of these enemy vanguards.6 In this political environment, it's unsurprising then that the number of these groups in general also appears to be growing, with multiple vanguards competing for public attention and fighting with each other on various issues. Given this proliferation, and our current level of political instability, it seems likely that we will dealing with the effects of vanguards for some time.Many readers of the Journal for the Study of Radicalism will already be familiar with vanguards, as they typically play a seminal role in radicalism. For those that might be less familiar, the term vanguard—derived from the French term avant-garde—originally referred to a military unit that moved ahead of the main force to disrupt the enemy and secure territory. In political theory, the concept was notably developed by Vladimir Lenin in the early 1900s.7 For Lenin, the vanguard was a dedicated group—mainly composed of intellectuals and activists—tasked with spreading Marxist ideology and educating the proletariat while challenging the existing order, specifically the Imperial Russian regime.Over time, the idea of a vanguard has expanded beyond Marxist or leftist applications to include a wide variety of ideological movements across the political spectrum. These groups aim to subvert dominant cultural norms and disrupt political structures, often using propaganda, agitation, and cultural innovation.8 A key function of a vanguard is communication—disseminating ideas that challenge mainstream beliefs and provoke societal transformation. As such, many socio-political vanguards have been rooted in or influenced by cultural vanguards.9 Notable cultural-political vanguards include the Futurists and the Situationist Internationale. The Futurists began as an aesthetic movement but went on to significantly influence Italian Fascism during the interwar period.10 The Situationists, emerging in the mid-twentieth century, were similarly born from cultural critique but went on to become deeply embedded in radical leftist politics, playing a key role in shaping the New Left and contributing to the upheavals of May 1968 in France.11The modern use of vanguard implies a distinct and advanced position—ideologically or tactically—relative to broader movements. A vanguard operates in a more confrontational “front line,” pushing boundaries and challenging societal norms more aggressively than the larger, more moderate movements that often follow. According to Wood, a vanguard exists “ahead of the characteristic beliefs and norms of the wider society,” frequently in direct conflict with prevailing values.12 Contemporary examples of vanguards across the political spectrum include the Alt-Right,13 Antifa,14 Extinction Rebellion,15 the Identitarians,16 and the European New Right,17 all of which have significantly influenced public discourse. Though often ideologically opposed, these groups share a strategic commitment to cultural subversion and have spurred both ideological shifts and physical demonstrations. Through media, art, and protest, such vanguards often serve as catalysts for broader political change, acting as precursors to radical offshoots and/or more mainstream movements.18As has been noted, it is clear that vanguards have a long history—often popping up during times of political instability—and are once again multiplying and exerting a good amount of influence on the mainstream today (as well as on each other). While great work on vanguards has been done in past historical periods,19 contexts continue to change, and vanguards continue to evolve and operate in new and interesting ways in the present day. In order to better understand this unique area of political life, this special issue will examine a number of key vanguard groups and their leaders, along with their respective ideas, to help make sense of where they have come from, what exactly they are calling for, and where they might be going.This special issue begins with “The Techno-Social Vanguard,” an investigation by Lawrence Quill and Hasmet Uluorta into how techno-social vanguards helped shape (and continue to shape) much of our present perspective regarding politics, progress, and justice in the West. Unlike traditional vanguards driven by class, race, or political ideology, techno-social vanguardism envisions a future shaped by technology and capitalism.In “The Avant-Garde and the Administrator: Preliminary Considerations on Vanguardist and Managerial Symbiosis” Phillip W. Gray explores how contemporary vanguardism differs from its early twentieth-century forms by examining its integration with existing centers of power, such as government and corporate institutions. Using Black Lives Matter (BLM) as an example, he analyzes how intersectional vanguards gain support from neoliberal bureaucracies and how nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) serve as structural bridges between vanguardist and managerial systems.Next, moving from government to education, Jack C. Byham, Desi Vásquez, and Richard T. Marcy investigate the (re)emergent vanguardism that can be found within today's academy. In “Making Sense of Christian Nationalism: The Role of Academic Vanguards,” the authors examine how some academics act as vanguards when they engage in partisan debates seemingly as scholars, but then blend sophisticated academic technologies—technologies often assumed by the public to represent a politically neutral objectivity—with political activism.Moving from the influence of vanguards on society and institutions, Richard Shorten examines vanguards and their influence on individuals. In “Reactionary Vanguards and the Social Question (or, Contemporary Vulnerability Politics Between Left and Right Decontestations),” Shorten weighs the effect of contemporary reactionary politics on hard-right adherents through the lens of progressive theories of vulnerability. While rejecting cultural repression and remaining agnostic about economic grievance as core motivators, he explores subtler forms of vulnerability these members may be experiencing, such as marginalization, humiliation, and complex violence.Further extending this investigation into the influence of vanguard ideas on individuals (and groups), but with a contrasting emphasis on virility, Josh Vandiver examines the work of Julius Evola, particularly his focus on Männerbünde as the seed of traditional constitutions based on priests, warriors, and workers. His article, “What Do Masculinists Want? Virile Vanguards, Identitarians, and Traditional Political Theology,” outlines Evola's influence on modern identitarian movements, examines masculinity in Traditionalism, and explores how Evola understands vanguards in Tradition, especially in relation to a religion like Christianity which occupies an ambiguous place in right-wing political theology.20Moving from individuals and groups to the leaders of these groups, Tamir Bar-On and Francesco Cangiano examine three vanguard leaders within the dissident right (Alain de Benoist of the New Right, Martin Sellner of the Identitarian Movement, and Jared Taylor of the Alt-Right). Their article, “Viewing Right-Wing Intellectuals Through a Dual Lens: Vanguard Leadership and Political Ideology,” analyzes the goals (to include their metapolitical ambitions), rhetoric, and tactics of these leaders using a sensemaking lens. They conclude with a call for more research into right-wing vanguards.And last but not least, in “Death for a Dawn: Dominique Venner and the Vanguard of Identity,” José Pedro Zúquete focuses his attention on yet one more important vanguard leader: Dominique Venner. In his article, Zúquete examines Venner's life, writings, and legacy as a militant activist, historian, and essayist. His public suicide in Notre Dame Cathedral was intended as a symbolic political act—an act which elevated him to martyr status within the Identitarian Movement, inspiring a “cult of Venner” in which young activists revere his life and works as moral and spiritual blueprints for Europe's renewal and resistance against perceived civilizational collapse.The articles together consider vanguards from various locations along the political spectrum, as well as vanguard movements from different historical and theoretical perspectives, to assess the similarities and differences of vanguard movements and practices over time and space. Political vanguards have played, and continue to play, a crucial role in shaping social movements, driving social and political change, and challenging the status quo. Rooted in the idea of leading the way for broader societal transformation, sociopolitical vanguards can serve as catalysts that inspire and mobilize communities toward a shared vision. Whether in revolutionary contexts or within democratic systems, vanguard leaders and organizations provide strategic direction, ideological clarity, and a sense of purpose in navigating complex political landscapes across the spectrum. Their influence extends beyond mere leadership; they often act as the moral and intellectual compass that empowers people to address systemic injustices, advocate for marginalized voices, and push for policies that align with collective aspirations. Given the effect of past vanguards from the 1960s on today's mainstream politics and culture, it is interesting to speculate what politics and the “new normal” might be 20 or 30 years from now.I would like to thank Arthur Versluis and Josh Vandiver for their guidance and support during the entire process of putting this special issue together. I would also like to thank all of the authors in this special issue for their hard work and commitment, and for their significant contribution. And I would like to express my thanks to the University of Victoria for providing me with the opportunity and resources necessary to carry out this special issue.Finally, I would like to dedicate this special issue on vanguards to the late Nicholas Drummond. Nick was slated to be a central contributor for a conference panel on vanguards that preceded this special issue, but he passed away unexpectedly before it took place. Nick was a great friend and colleague, and his presence—in both the conference panel and this special issue—is missed.
Richard T. Marcy (Wed,) studied this question.