Neighborhood Poverty: Context and Consequences for Children

Neighborhood Poverty: Context and Consequences for Children, Volume I, and Neighborhood Poverty: Policy Implications in Studying Neighborhoods, Volume II. Jeanne BrooksGunn, Greg J. Duncan, & J. Lawrence Aber (Eds. ). New York: Russell Sage Foundation. 1997. 334 pp. and 238 pp. ISBNs 0-8154-145-9 and 0-87154-146-7. 49. 95 and 39. 95 cloth. This two-volume study of the effects of poor urban neighborhoods on families makes a stimulating contribution to related theory, research, public policies, and programs. Its emphasis on human development in an ecological context is part of a welcome and growing trend. See, for example, Phyllis Moen, Glen H. Elder, and Kurt Luscher (1955), and Greg J. Duncan and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn (1977). The contents of the present volumes are so rich that it is impossible to do justice to them here. Volume I is chiefly a report and discussion of large, multidisciplinary studies of neighborhood and influences on the cognitive, behavioral, and educational outcomes of children and adolescents at various stages of their development. It also includes chapters on conceptual issues and implications of findings for federal policies. Volume II explores theories about poverty, urban ecology, research methods, public policies, and programs at state and local levels. These books were developed under the auspices of the Social Science Research Council. Further funding was provided by a number of foundations. The project's goal was to establish a research program to improve understanding of the causes and consequences of persistent, concentrated poverty and to build a base for the design and implementation of better policies and programs. The multidisciplinary research group of social scientists came from a variety of universities. The undertaking was sparked by the work of Urie Bronfenbrenner (1979) and by W. J. Wilson's book (1987) on the severe effects of urban poverty on neighborhoods. The group, in an extensive review of past research, concluded that the research showed only weak and inconsistent evidence of the effects of neighborhood composition on individual outcomes. It decided, therefore, to attempt to develop new theory, concepts, methods, and empirical findings that would guide further research. A variety of analyses of six existing data sets were carried out. Three of these sets included national, longitudinal data-the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, the National Longitudinal Study of Youth, and the Infant Health and Development Program. The other three sets were more local in nature. All included Black, White, and Hispanic participants. Census data provided information about neighborhoods, including socioeconomic levels of the population, ethnic diversity, rates of male joblessness, and family concentration. Important information not available included community resources such as schools and social services. Rates of crime and housing characteristics also were not provided. The authors comment at length on the inadequacy of census tract data for a true understanding of neighborhoods. However, the data were the best available. Family, child, and adolescent information from the various data sets was variable, but generally included demographic characteristics, headship, income, and maternal education and hours of employment. Some of the sets also provided information about the learning environment of the home and levels of maternal warmth, coping behaviors, depression, and social support. Information about child development outcomes differed by data set. These sets included various measures of intelligence and educational and psychosocial behaviors of children at different ages. The authors discuss deficiencies in these data and recommend ways to improve them. Results of multiple regression analysis are presented in exquisite detail in numerous tables and graphs. A summary of findings shows that neighborhood conditions often are significant predictors of aspects of child development. …