This study reexamines the English tough construction(TC) within the framework of the Minimalist Program, focusing on the mechanisms of merge, labeling, and features theory. Previous research has debated whether the embedded predicate argument in the matrix subject position results from syntactic movement or base-generation. It proposes that variation in constituent positioning arises from differences in the order of merge, and the +SR feature associated with to and for expands an interpretive domain. As labeling becomes visible, the phase extends, enabling the features +E, +A, and +F to be activated and checked at the interfaces for full interpretation. Ungrammatical instances of TC are attributed to failed feature checking within the extended phase: although lexical items may share formal features, mismatched properties block interpretive convergence. This study thus offers a unified minimalist account of TCs linking syntactic derivation with interface interpretation.
Mi Hyoung So (Sun,) studied this question.