Optative constructions in Meadow Mari and Hill Mari

Grammaticalization of optative forms and constructions remains understudied from a typological perspective. The goal of this study is to describe and investigate the grammaticalization paths of optative constructions in four Mari lects, namely in Morki-Sernur Mari, Volga Mari ( Meadow Mari) and in the Hill Mari lects of Mikryakovo and Kuznetsovo. The following constructions are considered: 1) construction with the 3rd person imperative (jussive) form, 2) construction with the -aš-infinitive, 3) construction with the non-past 1SG form (NPST.1SG), 4) construction with the debitive form in -šaš. The compatibility of these constructions with different subjects (namely, 1SG and 3SG) is discussed. As it turns out, the optative construction with jussive retains the restrictions of the original form: it is only possible with 3rd person subjects. The construction with the infinitive in three lects is only compatible with 1SG subjects, while in the Volga dialects it can be used with 3SG subjects as well. Paradoxically, the construction with NPST.1SG form is used with 3SG subjects. Finally, the optative use of the form in -šaš in Meadow Mari lects is restricted to 1SG subjects, whereas in Hill Mari it can be used with both 1SG and 3SG subjects. Possible grammaticalization mechanisms for these constructions are discussed. The construction with jussive develops from the imperative form, which is “softened” by the retrospective shift particle. The optative construction with infinitive emerges from independent uses of the -aš infinitive. The most important for the diachronic typology of optative is the construction with the NPST.1SG form. I propose that it had grammaticalized from counterfactual uses of the NPST.1SG form. Finally, the fourth optative construction developed based on the debitive form in -šaš.