Women's Perceptions of Polygyny among the Kaguru of Tanzania

Much of the large body of research on polygyny in sub-Saharan Africa focuses on the sociocultural and demographic correlates of polygyny (Boserup 1970; Goody 1976; Lesthaeghe et al. 1989, 1994) and on the demographic and economic implications of polygyny (e.g., Borgerhoff Mulder 1989; Garenne and van de Walle 1989; Moller and Welch 1990; Pebley and Mbugua 1989; Grossbard-Shectman 1986; Sichona 1992; Ukaegbu 1977). In addition, there has been considerable emphasis on the future prospects of polygyny (Clignet 1970, 1987; Goode 1970; Karanja 1987, 1994; Topouzis 1985; van de Walle and Kekovole 1984). Despite this widespread interest in African polygyny, relatively little research has been done to specifically address women's attitudes toward polygyny (for exceptions, see Ware 1979; Wittrup 1990). Many studies on polygyny in sub-Saharan Africa suggest that women's attitudes toward polygyny may vary both within and between societies (Adams and Mburugu 1994; Dorjahn 1988; Kilbride 1994; Potash 1989; White and Burton 1988). Polygyny can be advantageous for women. In some societies, they benefit from polygyny because polygynous husbands tend to be wealthy, the pool of laborers supplied by a larger domestic unit reduces the need for wage laborers, or because co-wives co-operate in trade and economic affairs (Adams and Mburugu 1994; Amadiume 1987; Borgerhoff Mulder 1992; MacCormack 1983). In such societies, women sometimes favor polygyny because it provides them with labor assistance (Dorjahn 1988). But the benefits of polygyny are not necessarily restricted to economic advantages. In a study of women's attitudes toward polygyny among the Yoruba, Ware (1979) found that a majority of the women surveyed (60 per cent) indicated they would be pleased to be in a polygynous relationship because they could then share the burdens of work and also have another woman with whom they could gossip and play. In some African societies it is not uncommon for a woman to participate in the choice of her husband's next wife, or even to refuse to let her husband make that choice himself (e.g., Bowen 1964; Reynolds Whyte 1979/80; Wittrup 1990:129). In doing so, senior wives have the opportunity to maximize their economic benefits by selecting hard-working co-wives, and to limit intrafamily conflicts by choosing those junior co-wives they like, sometimes a sister. However, in many instances women disapprove of polygynous unions. Yoruba respondents who would not be pleased to have a co-wife frequently indicated an aversion to having to share resources, both sexual and material (Ware 1979). Such a situation may result in jealousy and this in turn reduces the potential for cooperation among co-wives. In several societies, the potential for jealousy or rivalry is reflected in the terminology used to refer to co-wives. For example, among the Luo (Kenya) a co-wife is called nyieka (my partner in jealousy), the Hausa (Nigeria) use the term kishiya (jealousy) (Potash 1989:199), and the Yoruba (Nigeria) word for co-wife is orogun (rival or competitor) (Ware 1979:190). Likewise, among the Bakgalagadi of Botswana the term for co-wives, bagadikano, means rivals, and the term for polygyny, lefufa, implies jealousy (Solway 1990:48). Polygyny is often associated with problems in the household, not only between co-wives, but also between a wife and her husband. Often jealousy among co-wives stems from their concern that the husband does not share his love and resources equally among them (Adams and Mburugu 1994; Kilbride and Kilbride 1990; Wittrup 1990). In polygynous unions, household relationships are complicated by the presence of children, the husband's perceived favoritism of the children of one wife, and the efforts of each wife to secure more resources for her own children. Both men and women may manipulate marital strategies to their own advantage, and the interpersonal relations within polygynous families and households are highly variable (Dorjahn 1988). …