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Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. Patients and healers also addresses the issue of somatization, but Kleinman develops this topic much further in Kleinman (1986 Kleinman, A. 1986. The social origins of distress and disease: depression, neurasthenia, and pain in modern China, New Haven: Yale University Press. Google Scholar). 2. Here, Kleinman was particularly influenced by Berger and Luckmann (1967 Berger, P. L. and Luckmann, T. 1967. The social construction of reality, Garden City, New York: Doubleday. Google Scholar) and Schutz (1970 Schutz, A. 1970. On phenomenology and social relations. , Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Google Scholar). 3. One common critique of the EM framework concerns the limits of asking people for their accounts of illness (cf. Young 1981 Young, A. 1981. When rational men fall sick: an inquiry into some assumptions made by medical anthropologists. Culture, Medicine, and Psychiatry, 5: 317–35. doi: 10. 1007/BF00054773Crossref, PubMed, Web of Science ®, Google Scholar). Yet Kleinman argues that it is insufficient for researchers to elicit EMs in interviews because EMs always lie at least partially outside of tacit awareness. Therefore, he suggests that it is important to observe EMs as they unfold in real-time clinical interactions. This aspect of his EM framework has often been overlooked. 4. http: //ghsm. hms. harvard. edu/research/medicalₐnthropology/, accessed 8 July 2012.
Mara Buchbinder (Wed,) studied this question.