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T HE CHALLENGE posed by new social movements and the response of the political system are dynamic aspects of American policy formation which have been neglected by most political scientists. Yet, interaction between movements and the government has frequently resulted in extending the range of political debate in the United States as well as introducing new and innovative policy alternatives. Social movements raise serious questions outside normal government channels, often concerning subjects which are not being treated as topics of political concern. The response of the government to demands by movements often results in expanding the areas of government interest and involvement.1 For example, in the 1960s and 1970s the United States government, responding to the demands of the black civil rights movement, the environmental movement and the women's movement, involved itself in areas of policy such as integrating the schools, eliminating sexism in job recruitment and monitoring environmental impacts, which were previously considered beyond the scope of federal responsibility. Yet despite the ease with which one can identify social movements that have introduced important new elements to American politics, little attention has generally been paid to the process by which social movements are incorporated into the political system. What factors determine the success or failure of movements that try to gain access to the political system? This study examines factors which allowed one movement the women's movement to make this breakthrough. It compares these factors with what is known about other movements active in the same period. The importance of such an inquiry is suggested by sociological research that delineates the distinctive characteristics of social movements.2 This re-
Anne N. Costain (Sun,) studied this question.