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The concept of political trust occupies a critical position in much of the literature of modern theory.' Aberbach and Walker have discussed the normative and practical implications of political trust for a society. Normatively, they point out, the existence of distrustful citizens is a barrier to the realization of the democratic idea. Practically, they believe that leaders in a representative democracy cannot be successful unless they have gained the trust of the citizens. They state, distrustful groups are denied access to decision-makers, or if institutions are too rigid to change, destructive conflict and a breakdown in the social ord,r are possible.2 Exploring this same theme, Iglitzin argues that system confidence engenders peaceful and willing support of that system. But when that confidence changes to apathy, mistrust, and cynicism, little is required to convert these attitudes into uncontrolled behavior.3 Dah has argued that trust favors polarchy (democracy) while distrust favors hegemony (despotism), for at least three reasons: (1) trust increases the mutual communication essential for a regime; (2) trust makes possible organizations through which citizens can promote their goals; (3) conflicts are more threatening, and thus democracy is imperilled, among people who distrust one another.4 Despite the importance attributed to political trust, the precise nature of
Richard L. Cole (Thu,) studied this question.