The Administration-Community Relationship in Plan Formulation for Projects for Promoting Collective Relocation

This paper focuses on the concrete planning process involved in projects for promoting collective relocation after the Great East Japan Earthquake. In particular, we examine the relationships between the concerned stakeholders, which in a broad sense include the community, the administration, consultants, and outside supporters. We ascertain in detail how each of these stakeholders participated in the eventual planning process, clarify the mutual interrelationship structure, and examine the gradual changes in these interrelationships. In doing so, we aim to determine the distinctive characteristics of and issues involved in the approach toward consensus-building on projects for promoting collective relocation with regard to the Great East Japan Earthquake. The present research established that although projects for promoting collective relocation in Kesennuma City and Miyako City are managed in accordance with the same basic system, major differences are observed between them in terms of the administration-community relationships, the establishment process of a community group, and its subsequent activities. The projects for promoting collective relocation in Kesennuma City operate in two different ways: a meeting-based type and a city authority inducement to collectively relocate. The meeting-based type projects are organized at pre-existing city district units and examine the steps required for collective relocation. However, this model is based on city authorities inducing collective relocation and involves the city administration directly dealing with households in the affected areas on an individual basis and relocating them to the area of their choice. This approach of the Kesennuma City authorities is premised on the affected residents' voluntary relocation desire; therefore, initiatives are conducted depending on the pre-existing city district units' desire for the implementation of relocation projects. The affected area residents' desire to relocate is examined and projects are continually fine-tuned through constant communication with the residents wishing to move and support organizations in the residential land planning. This is followed even when consensus between the residents who wish to move and ministerial approval have been achieved. Miyako City's projects for promoting collective relocation are also conducted in two ways: forming examination committees for relocation proposals and general meetings. The former encompasses districts in which 100 households or more have been damaged. The city administration provides information regarding the projects for promoting collective relocation through community representatives and then they hold meetings to formulate revitalization plans. The latter type encompasses districts in which 40 households or less have been damaged. City officials directly survey the opinions of individual households in the affected areas, conduct community meetings to exchange opinions, and formulate revitalization plans regarding the projects for promoting collective relocation. Miyako City's stance and approach is distinctive because the projects for promoting collective relocation are perceived elements of the district revitalization plans. Furthermore, after community consensus about the revitalization plans has been achieved, the committee examining the relocation proposals is disbanded and only an explanatory committee providing information to disaster victims, after the ministerial approval, is retained. This distinctive aspect directly contrasts with Kesennuma City's approach.