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Russian exhibits several different types of palatalisation. These are exemplified in (1), where we look at voiceless stops and affricates.(1) a. Velar Palatalisation (velars change into postalveolars): k→čruk+a ‘hand (FEM NOM SG)’ −ruč+išč+a (AUG NOM SG), ruč+en’k+a (DIM NOM SG)b. Affricate Palatalisation (affricates become postalveolar): ts→čkonets ‘end’ −konč+i+t’ ‘to finish’otets ‘father’ −otč+estv+o ‘patronymic’c. Iotation (many disparate changes of consonants): t→čšut ‘joker’ −šuč+u ‘I joke’d. Surface Palatalisation (consonants become −back, +high): t→t’xvost ‘tail’ −xvost+ik t’ (DIM), xvost+e t’ LOC SG)brat ‘brother’ −brat+j+a t’ ‘brothers (COLL)’ coherent analysis of these disparate effects is a formidable task, but one process seems to be easy: Surface Palatalisation is a straightforward spreading change. This change is particularly simple in the context of i and j since not only the feature −back but also the feature +high is spread from the triggering context onto the input consonant. In the following, I will restrict the scope of analysis to this simple case. That is, I will look at Surface Palatalisation applying in the context of i and j. I will demonstrate that standard Optimality Theory (henceforth OT: Prince & Smolensky 1993, McCarthy & Prince 1995), with its insistence on parallel evaluation, cannot offer an adequate analysis of Surface Palatalisation. I will suggest that standard OT needs to be modified and to admit the possibility of a level distinction (a derivational step) in the evaluation of output forms.
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Jerzy Rubach
University of Warsaw
Phonology
University of Iowa
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Jerzy Rubach (Mon,) studied this question.
synapsesocial.com/papers/6a108cead13714ec960006f8 — DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700003821