Regions and Communities in Early Greece (1200–500 BCE)

Regional diversity remains one of the most noticeable features of the material record and a thriving subject in recent archaeological studies on early Greece. The diversity involved ranges from burial practices to household organization, cult activity and performance, and the material culture produced. Of late, there has been an absorbing revival of interest in this issue: both revisiting the archaeological data and composing new general syntheses of the evidence and in the publication of region-specific works among which the region of Athens and Attica continues to occupy a privileged place. The fall of the Mycenaean palaces represents in recent scholarship the terminus ad quem for what is generally considered Aegean prehistory, thereby pulling the twelfth century BC into the wider discussion of Early Iron Age societies. At the other temporal end, the rise of the Greek polis, largely considered an eighth-century BC phenomenon, has long provided a dividing line between the Early Iron Age and Archaic Greece. Discussions on the Greek polis still remain open, with a shift of focus to the longer-term processes of growth, sustainability, and transformation of early societies. In this regard, the volume under review represents a welcome addition for scholars and students of early Greece.The nicely produced volume under review here is the result of a conference held in Tübingen in 2018, which dealt with "Regional Approaches to Early Greek Society (1100–550 BCE)." Of a large number of papers presented during the conference, only ten are included here. These papers bring together the views of a few of the foremost scholars who work on aspects of the Early Iron Age and Archaic Greece, and also those of some younger scholars.The editors open the volume with a thorough discussion of the state of play, providing an up-to-date review of approaches to the study of early Greece. Their aim is "to draw attention to this multiplicity of trajectories" (2) and "to offer a cross-section of the many different approaches of recent research from the twelfth to sixth century BCE in Greece" (3). Although developments from the twelfth century are only discussed in a few papers (Sossau, Rönnberg, Livieratou), this manifests the willingness of the editors to include recent research on this transitional period while also extending the discussion into the sixth century BC. The mid-sixth century BC seems a somewhat arbitrary ending point: the choice is not further explained in this volume, nor do papers necessarily adhere to it.The first contribution by A. Duplouy places "competition and its socializing effect" at the heart of the process of establishing a political community. The main question is already posed in the first lines of his paper: "How did Greek cities come into existence?" Duplouy recapitulates, this time in English, arguments from his 2019 monograph, which was published in French. After presenting a critical appraisal of earlier approaches on the emergence of the Greek polis, he suggests an alternative model that takes into account three main parameters: the way that the citizen community was constituted, the acceptance of a citizen within the wider population of the community, and the endurance of the political community over the centuries. To elucidate the nature of the early polis, he adopts a sociological approach based on the concept of Stand or status group, introduced in the early 1920s by Max Weber, and the notion of habitus, as discussed by Pierre Bourdieu in the 1970s. Duplouy upholds the importance of the idea of citizenship, which is viewed "as a social process rested on the value of competition" (25). In the concluding argument, the making of the Greek city is envisaged as already underway "towards the end of the thirteenth century, which now definitely appears as a new frontier for the history of the Greek polis" (27). Nonetheless, the arguments presented, at least in this paper, do not solidly support such a general realization that largely runs against the concept of regional diversity as set forth by the editors of the volume. The main argument revolves around early cult places and communal feasting, topics much discussed in recent scholarship. However, the very fragmented archaeological record from these early cult places does not sufficiently reveal the social status or identity of the participants to permit Duplouy's suggestion that this was "a means of separating them scil. the participants from all those who were not accepted or were unable to take part in the rite" (27). Indeed, the material remains display a larger diversity even within single regions, and this should be taken into consideration. In Duplouy's model, inclusion and exclusion within the community is largely defined through competition and "an agreement within the community on the principles on which the group can live together" (27). Whether this process—discussed and mainly conceived of as relevant to the Archaic citizen community—can be traced back to earlier periods remains to be examined in context. Veronika Sossau's paper in this volume reflects similar hesitations about this model and discusses them from a different point of view.The article by Ç. Taçşioğlu Beeby explores the mortuary contexts of Corinth and Argos in the eighth and seventh centuries BC. Based on the archaeological data neatly presented on GIS maps (figs. 1–3) and drawing on theories of the social construction of mortuary space and memory-making "in both active and defunct funerary landscapes" (38), Taçşioğlu Beeby argues against the established approaches to Greek cemeteries as marginalized spaces. The main argument of this article evolves around spatial analysis of extra- and intracommunal burial sites and practices in both Argos and Corinth; these are considered key elements "to social cohesion within growing communities" (35). Individual features are analyzed in order to reinforce the main argument: the continuous use of burial sites over long periods of time, the reuse of a burial site after a brief or longer period of abandonment, diversity in burial practices, the households' central role in the social construction of the mortuary space. This approach reframes the role and function of extra- and intracommunal burial sites. As spatially distinct areas in the growing communities of the Late Geometric and Early Archaic periods, they are envisaged as "essential platforms for public memory-making" (31). The centrality and social visibility of the mortuary space is largely conceptualized within local contexts as is plainly demonstrated by the pronounced differences between the two cases examined, Argos and Corinth. The final comment on the similarity between the development of mortuary spaces and the rise of sanctuaries needs to be better explained and contextualized.Veronika Sossau discusses the Athenian settlement remains by adopting an approach that has been insufficiently explored so far for the Early Iron Age: territoriality and the perception of territory. The article draws from recent works on Athenian settlement that analyze in depth the somewhat fragmented archaeological record of this period. The discussion revolves around two models: one that places the settlement nucleus on the Acropolis and the other that envisions a more scattered settlement, with smaller hamlets installed in and around the area. Sossau considers the "scattered hamlets-hypothesis" to better fit the archaeological remains of Athens. This settlement model would consist of compounds or "neighborhoods sharing 'common' territory" as a counterpoint to independent kin-related compounds among which the more important "central compound(s)" might have been on the Acropolis (51). Compatible with such reconstruction is the scarcity of evidence for territorial boundaries, relevant to the argument raised here that "belonging was a fluid concept and negotiated according to the circumstances" (57). Further exploring the concept of territoriality in the early Greek literature, Sossau concludes that "for eighth century BCE Athens, a homogenous understanding of territory cannot be presupposed" (58). Territorial claims and borders, as well as coherent group identities, should thus be considered a phenomenon rather of the Archaic period, namely from the sixth century BC onward. Sossau's analysis presents a settlement model that moves away from ideas and concepts developed on the basis of the Classical-period polis and are frequently applied to the Early Iron Age as well. Her view of "early Athenian society as more diverse, more mobile and fluid" (58) provides new insights into the study of regions and communities in early Greece and fits nicely with the theme of this volume.Maximilian Rönnberg offers an alternative view of the settlement of Attica during the Early Iron Age, challenging the widely accepted model of the "internal colonization" of Attica. His analysis is largely based on the archaeological evidence, discussed in detail in his 2021 monograph and presented in this contribution in the form of GIS maps (figs. 1–4). These would be of more use to the reader if the names of the sites displayed on the maps were indicated; otherwise, one needs to have his monograph to hand in order to follow his arguments. Rönnberg applies the model of village fission to Attica and proposes that population increase in the small settlements around Attica led to their successive fission and thus to the infilling of the unsettled areas and these areas' agricultural exploitation. However appealing this idea may be, it is not without problems. The most significant is the very fragmented material evidence of the Attic settlements of this period that obliges us to turn mostly to the funerary context for any discussions and attempts for reconstruction. As Sossau argues in this volume, it is not necessary to assume that a large burial ground served only one single settlement (53). Furthermore, even if we add the numerous new finds from around Attica, the Submycenaean period is largely underrepresented. In the large area to the east of Mount Hymettus, there is only some evidence from Thorikos and now from Marathon for this early period. It is only by the late tenth and the early ninth centuries BC that the number of sites rises around Attica. That time down to the early seventh century BC may prove more relevant for the model of village fission. On the other hand, the emergence of cult places around the same period in Attica is indeed a relevant yet complicated phenomenon. As the author notes, "the crucial question may now be: who was frequenting these places of cult?" (74). The cult places do not form a homogenous category; peak sanctuaries, cults in caves and in proximity to tombs, as well as sanctuaries that grow in importance through the Archaic and Classical periods all have their origins in this period. Rönnberg argues for a local origin of important Attic sanctuaries—among which are Eleusis, Sounion, and Brauron—linking their appearance to "the end of the process of village fission" and "the development of a more complex social structure" (73). Tempting as this may be, we certainly need more evidence from the early phases of these sanctuaries. As Robin Osborne notes in the following article "the evidence from most Attic sanctuaries is poorly preserved, and where it is less poorly preserved it is not well published" (93).The last of the three articles focusing on early Attica, by R. Osborne, addresses the issue of regionalism. Osborne attempts to detect regional divisions of any kind and investigates a view of Attica as a region or regions in the Early Iron Age and Archaic period. Varying types of evidence are brought into the discussion: from the popular Athenian story of how Kekrops unified the previously scattered Attic villages to form the Dodekapolis ("twelve cities," 90), to territorial claims of Athens over Attica through the development of sanctuaries, and the production and distribution of craft products around Attica. The discussion that follows is indeed very interesting as Osborne argues both sides of each case, thus revealing that "even in parts of the Greek world where our data is relatively rich, we have a long way to go before we can read off with any confidence a regional story" (98). Still, the arguments raised here seem to endorse Attica as both a region and regions, thus opening a new approach to envisage and appreciate the material evidence, at least for the early periods. Based on the evidence discussed here, it becomes progressively clear that the communities installed in Athens, and equally and among others in areas such as Eleusis, Thorikos, or Marathon, maintained a local character by participating equally in systems of local and regional networks that linked Athens to the Attic sites and the Attic sites to each other. By 600 BC "it is much harder to make a case for any particular area of Attica constituting a region" (95). Still, even if we accept that Attica was a single political unity by that time, the sixth-century BC political divisions drawn along regional lines seem to still reflect this earlier regionalism, as Osborne notes. Overall, this paper highlights the importance of adopting a regional approach to early Greek history and represents a direct response to the questions raised by the editors in the introduction to the volume.Thomas Clements follows a similar line of argument. Focusing on Archaic Laconia and Messenia, he argues that regions were not stable features in the landscape. This paper offers a broader theoretical discussion on the definition and meaning of regions, drawing on the rich scholarship on this issue. The Messenian Wars, placed by scholars within the seventh century BC, are used here to revisit the issues of Spartan expansion into Messenia and the regional formation of both Laconia and Messenia. Clements argues that "in developing a model of community formation in Laconia and Messenia we must consider the effect of a prolonged Messenian conflict on the emergent regional structure of the Spartan polis" (112). Based on the sparse archaeological evidence that predates the First Messenian War, he discusses similarities in pottery production between the two regions, arguing that "Laconian incursions into Messenia were part of a long-term, multivalent process" (114). Linguistic evidence and the use of a common script between the two regions also support this conclusion. In his final remarks, Clements joins other scholars in considering the cultural contacts between Laconia and Messenia beyond the limited framework of the Messenian Wars. Contacts between the two regions are considered here to have been part of "a continuous, occasional series of conflicts being fought with Messenians throughout the late eighth and seventh centuries BC" (116), while the "chronological division implied by Tyrtaios and definitively elaborated by later commentators is in part or in whole a later construction" (112). Instead of treating the Messenian Wars as a single conflict, the reconstruction of a series of conflicts allows us to revisit the early stages of Sparta's expansion from a different vantage point, one that makes use of a body of evidence whose components are not necessarily connected to each other. Still, an intense cultural contact between the two regions cannot be deduced solely from the analysis offered here. Messenia is described here as "host to a number of separate communities" (116), yet no evidence as to their exact standing is actually available. Regrettably, too little is known for Messenia during this period to allow a renewed consideration of the regional formation of the area.Adrien Delahaye explores the material culture of sanctuaries to question the demarcation, if any, between the Spartans and the perioikoi in the Archaic and early Classical periods. He formulates the suggestion of a "lacedaemonian koinè" (127) within which Spartans and perioikoi are impossible to distinguish. Although "the Perioikoi of Laconia are in fact impossible to distinguish from the Spartans during the archaic and classical period from an ethnic, linguistic and more generally, cultural point of view" (124), Delahaye turns to the votive habits in Spartan and perioikic contexts. Despite of the identity of the donor, he argues that "there is no perioikic material specificity, but a lacedaemonian material culture" (130). The examination of the bronze offerings brings to the forefront the issue of the production and consumption of these artifacts of high value. The bronzes from the sanctuary of Apollo Hypertaleatas in the Malea Peninsula are highly relevant to the discussion: "a sanctuary of importance for the local perioikic communities" (131) with dedications that are not unknown in the Spartan sanctuaries. Following this line of argument, Delahaye urges us to consider the possibility, at least for the Archaic period, "of craftsmen in Sparta who were not Perioikoi" or even the existence of a "perioikic aristocracy rich enough to consecrate bronze objects and engaged in the competition for prestige and for social differentiation" (131). Still, the difficulties in directly associating votive offerings with specific donors has been repeatedly raised in scholarly research, as Delahaye acknowledges. On the other hand, the existence of a material "lacedaemonian koinè" is a good starting point to think about Laconian craft, its producers, and consumers within Lacedaemon.Antonia Livieratou moves the discussion to the areas of Phocis and East Locris, arguing that "along with the proto-ethnic formations came the rise of sites into significant settlements that would gradually acquire the status of the polis" (151). She suggests that differences between the areas of East Locris and Phocis were in place since the beginning of the Early Iron Age and that these regions' different responses to external influences led progressively "to the formation of two separate regional structures, Phocis and East Locris, and to the creation of a boundary in between them through the eighth and seventh centuries BC" (150). The rise of new centers such as Atalante and Tragana in the ninth and the first half of the eighth century BC, the progressive abandonment of chamber tombs and multiple burials, the circulation of artifacts of value in most cemeteries of East Locris, and contacts with Euboea are considered as evidence for a "change in power balance" (144). Inland sites such as Elateia and Delphi "appear to be more attached to the tradition of East Locris" (150), while the sanctuary at Kalapodi seems to have acquired "a frontier status" (146). These conclusions seem to be corroborated by the material evidence that is only briefly and quite selectively presented here. Livieratou introduces into the discussion the importance of local topography among the factors that shaped the poleis and ethne in central Greece. By the late eighth century BC, "the foundations were laid for the later distribution of poleis in the areas of East Locris and Phocis" (151). The wider area of Phocis and East Locris has been the focus of a series of articles by Livieratou in recent years, and the ideas quite succinctly presented here have been developed more elaborately elsewhere. More detailed maps showing all the sites discussed in the article would have been helpful for the reader; as presented, they only generally illustrate the area under examination with the most important sites indicated. The reader may wish to consult the maps produced for an older article by the author, where changes from the Late Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age are nicely marked. Surprisingly, that article is not mentioned in the bibliography (Livieratou 2011).Julien Zurbach's article on the economy of Greek city-states offers a general discussion at both the regional and the Mediterranean scale and takes a different perspective than the rest of the contributions in this volume. His arguments emanate from three developments that characterized the Archaic period: the monetization of the economy, the creation of a slave workforce, and "the role of debt in imposing slavery" (158). The ideas presented here are rich, regarding regional variations in the formation of debt slavery and servitude, Helotic slavery, and the restriction of private property rights. In certain parts, the discussion is not easy for the nonexpert to follow; for example, Zurbach argues that "the use of silver bullion is to some degree an Orientalizing phenomenon" (158) with "wide-ranging consequences" (159). What is not clearly explained is how this transition from grain to silver is made: "loans known to Hesiod are certainly measured in barley or wheat, whereas loans in Athens are probably in silver" (159). The second part of the discussion explores the notion of interconnected regional economies, resulting in a brief sketch of "what could be a regional approach to the economic phenomena" within the Mediterranean from around 800 to the late fourth century BC (163). As Zurbach notes, "there is a need for more sources on those points" (163), and indeed one needs more data to attempt such wider reconstructions of what are quite complex phenomena. On the other hand, Zurbach makes it evident that regional variations within Greek city-states are worth approaching within the wider Mediterranean context.The concluding paper by F. Ruppenstein touches upon two different yet complementary issues regarding Early Iron Age Greece. The first concerns the settlement structure, an issue much discussed and debated in recent scholarship, and equally in this volume. Due to the paucity of excavation data, the location and size of cemeteries is commonly taken as an indication of the existence of a central settlement served by different burial areas, or of dispersed hamlets, each with its own burial space. Ruppenstein argues in favor of the first suggestion, taking once more the example of Athens. However, he does not present any new evidence, and the discussion cannot be regarded as conclusive. Still, if we consider the second option (of a rather dispersed model), it is not necessary to envisage each one of the smaller hamlets as a political independent entity, as Sossau also argues in her paper. In addition to the two forms of Early Iron Age settlement organization discussed here, alternative forms may equally be found based on archaeological evidence and following the recent discussion by V. Stissi (2016). The introduction of iron technology in the Early Iron Age is an issue that spans regional distinctions and communities and relates to Mediterranean connectivity. A number of interesting points are raised: the connection with Cyprus, the early introduction of iron weapons and iron technology on the basis of recent archaeological finds, the provenance of the iron ores in the Aegean, their circulation and exploitation, as well as early monetization in the form of iron spits and the "division of labour because of the complexities connected to ironworking and the mining of iron ore" (171). Despite the importance and complexity of the questions raised here, the discussion remains largely detached from the rest of the articles in this volume.Overall, the volume is well crafted. Most of the illustrations are GIS maps (Taçşioğlu Beeby, Sossau, Rönnberg, Osborne, Livieratou), while photographs of artifacts accompany only two papers (Osborne, Delahaye). As is nearly always the case, more illustrations would have improved this volume, especially where specific material assemblages are discussed or specific types of tombs analyzed.The chronological framework follows current trends in the study of early Greek history. While the editors have succeeded in their broader goal to "draw attention to the development of early Greek societies from the twelfth to the sixth century BCE" (7), the volume as a whole offers less for regional studies. It would have been strengthened had more studies from the rich program of the conference been included (a copy of the conference program precedes the introduction to the volume). The volume does not offer any new material, and most contributions are limited to the study of a specific region, with the exception of the much more wide-ranging approach offered by Zurbach. Athens and Attica are the focus of a large part of the discussion, yet many of the conclusions are based on nonsettlement evidence, so that the limits of the discussion are quickly reached when addressing the issue of settlement structure. Sparta and Laconia present interesting regions for further research, and the articles in this volume are in a way complementary in their approaches. Two articles discuss other regions in the Peloponnese (Argos and Corinth) and central Greece (Phocis and East Locris) through the mortuary record. All in all, Regions and Communities in Early Greece provides a number of persuasive and up-to-date readings of certain regions and their development through time. It contains some excellent studies that should engage all those who study early Greece.