The relationship between evidentiality and epistemic modality is one of the most debated topics in relevant research. This study delves into this intricate relationship with a case study of a polarity interrogative construction in the Chaoyang Southern Min dialect, marked by the sentence-final particle hẽ . While hẽ can often be translated as the Mandarin particle ma , instances arise where a direct correspondence fails, and epistemic modal concepts like “bias” or “degree of certainty” are found to be inadequate for explaining these divergences. The crux of the matter lies within the evidentiality domain: hẽ -marked interrogatives must involve a justified inference made by the speaker based on contextual cues. This accounts for both the inquisitive and non-inquisitive usages of hẽ . Evidence from historical materials and comparison across Southern Min dialects suggest that the inferential feature of the hẽ interrogative stems from the condensation of a bi-clausal structure “declarative statement + tag question” into a mono-clausal structure. The usage of hẽ interrogatives encompasses three steps: the speaker’s inference, the assessment of the certainty of both parties, and the act of questioning. Originally devoid of modal meaning, the process of evaluating degree of certainty emerges due to the need for questioning, resulting in modalization of the construction. This demonstrates that interrogative mood is one of the mechanisms driving the interaction between evidentiality and epistemic modality.
Yang Xiao (Fri,) studied this question.