The presentation of Christian nationalist ideology in recent scholarly literature raises anew old questions in the minds of the academic community about the propriety of activism in social science research. While some, following Max Weber, consider blending scholarship with activism to be unprofessional and counterproductive, others have observed a scholarly push to make “common cause with ‘avant-garde’ movements in the ‘emancipatory task’ of making the world a freer, better place.”1 As noted by Michael Burawoy in his 2004 presidential address to the American Sociological Society, “sociology has moved left,” having accepted “more radical interpretations of Weber and Durkheim, and incorporated Marx into the canon. . . . If feminism was not quite let into the canon, it certainly had a dramatic impact on most substantive fields of sociology.”2Despite the well-documented leftward shift among academics, many scholars who engage in political activism through their research do not publicly identify solely as concerned private citizens while doing so. If they did, the reading public would easily draw the nonradical conclusion that scholars, too, have biases and preferences of their own. But rather than separate their activist and scholarly roles, many in academia promote political causes directly within their academic work.3 Further, a number of these scholars have forged academic alliances with others, such as media outlets, creating, in effect, a political bloc capable of exercising real influence in the public arena. The strategies and tactics involved in this trend merit further inquiry, as they have the power to lay hold of and shape public discourse.Scholars are uniquely positioned to facilitate and direct public awareness. Indeed, because of their knowledge and training, they have opportunities to present research findings to the public in ways that increase clarity, encourage critical thinking, and facilitate public engagement with “inconvenient evidence.”4 This is especially true regarding political discourse, where partisan creeds, powerful interests, and strong emotions drive overly facile explanations and conspiracy theories, leaving well-grounded and sure-footed reasoning aside. But the goals of academic vanguard scholars are distinct from those of the traditional academic. Vanguard scholars use academic technology to disrupt powerful narratives purposefully—narratives that might otherwise capture the minds of many citizens who are preoccupied with the business of ordinary life.In this article, we draw from Andrew L. Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry's work, Taking America Back for God: Christian Nationalism in the United States (hereafter referred to as Taking America), using it as a case study in academic vanguardism.5 Broadly speaking, Whitehead and Perry claim in their work that understanding Christian nationalism in its current manifestation is essential for understanding recent political developments in the United States. We hold, rather, that their book is an example of the work of scholars who promote political causes from within academia through writing presented in the guise of disinterested, scientific observation. In addition to studying and reporting on the politics of the day, Whitehead and Perry (and scholars who build on their work) appear to engage in activism under an academic cloak: entering, participating in, and then neatly exiting the political frays they study. Their arguments press sophisticated academic technologies—technologies assumed by the public to represent a politically neutral objectivity—into the service of political activism. These academic technologies are here used to confuse and obfuscate, and to prepare readers to accept alternative narratives.Our use of the concept of the vanguard draws on two complimentary sources of meaning. First, in its original usage, the idea of a vanguard comes from medieval French military strategy: a small, forward collection of scouts, soldiers, and workmen whose job varied, from gathering information on battlefield conditions, terrain, and enemy personnel, to carrying messages and sowing confusion among the enemy (e.g., “surrender!”), to clearing obstructions in advance of the main army.6 Vanguard soldiers led the by gathering and enemy and clearing to facilitate the of the of the vanguard directly with the for the of military and political to a in the academic we that academic scholarship and activism to and political and for present in for goals to be by others, into the do this through the of The main tactics of are of and tactics do the and on the of the the academic vanguard in to the the of the public of narratives are we that they are in the minds of the in the of the academic vanguard to the by the of the to the a real and by the academic vanguard by those the confusion of the vanguard scholars work to and a understanding of an otherwise current political to scholars as as the the main of military vanguard scholars work as a to and their has especially by a of and as as and for to the alternative to and it to engage in a of that of with the of scientific the they use to address the and its to and they to in further their the tactics of and work in to promote a the on of the In the political the goals of this scholarly are to increase and goals dramatic and in political to political is not a political in academic an example of an old a vanguard of on the political to political of from we draw understanding of academic is the idea of is a for political in political with an of to political by of political with a of the and with and the of the the that politics is from and that to be it is to that political power is in, and was of a of the of in and of the that of and work be a for of who are to their on in the political and to the and on and in ways that ordinary citizens in to of the of accept from the that they are the and that their work be and strategies are not to the and example of this is in the of in the of his work and is to the politics of the was to a for political this in a to his on that it was not his to the of in and the and of a by radical the his having to the that his that its on a guise of the of of this to it in to the of his and These The for political would have and is that the of the French the of was by the in the minds of its readers that the politically had a real to accept to make an from to in the with the to with others to engage in the to would not be of they into the of their that be this of by making his and for political a of academic be into the service of as on the of the vanguard scholars and their public the of the is not a of the the In be in in ways the and than the vanguard and the vanguard and we have used and to use the a that in of the radical using As an example from the the of the presidential The and the of the book of a book that the of this from his job that and a by the academic vanguard it was in with the political vanguard scholars are especially of of and such as of and as easily into for those with nationalism with Vanguard scholars to make in the here and by clearing (e.g., of the for political and and where have in the minds of the the guise of and their of the power from academic is not as an example the the and of in and in of a blending of scholarship and who as a from to and a an academic vanguard First, a and to the who have a for political an of the in be Taking America as as in the and by Whitehead and is with in . . . that to be the of the true of real from in true of the of and of the of their others, of the of their of the of their is to and others of this are rather of for power and than of the of of to . . . 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American public The of the had to about the of especially in political in their and powerful do academic
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Jack Byham
Desi Vásquez
Richard T. Marcy
Journal for the Study of Radicalism
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Byham et al. (Wed,) studied this question.
www.synapsesocial.com/papers/69a7cd9dd48f933b5eeda1f0 — DOI: https://doi.org/10.14321/jstudradi.19.2.0065