A few years ago, I decided to teach a course titled Queer and Trans Histories of Disability during a stint as a visiting lecturer at Mount Holyoke College. I created the class, in part, as an opportunity to think about my research in a relatively teaching-intensive position. I was then at the beginning stages of a book project on the history of a small and densely interconnected network of disability activists who insisted on the importance of disability, access, and care for the lesbian feminist movement of the late 1970s and early 1980s. More broadly, though, I created the class to puzzle through the curious absence of disability analysis in queer and trans historiography, despite the ubiquity of archival evidence of disability in many of the collections most used by queer and trans historians. Disability seemed, to me, to be everywhere and nowhere in queer and trans historiography.Queer and trans history is not unique in this regard. The disability historian Douglas Baynton (2001) made a similar historiographical claim in an early field-shaping essay. Disability, Baynton argued, played a key role in the three major citizenship debates of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries: women's suffrage, abolition, and immigration. In each case, opponents justified the inequality of women, Black people, and immigrants by casting each group as inherently disabled. Yet historians rarely paused to consider the rhetorical deployment of disability in these major citizenship debates, at least not before Baynton published his essay in 2001. In arguing for the significance of disability to such well-trod historical contexts as suffrage, abolition, and immigration, Baynton more generally aimed to bring disability “into the mainstream of historical study” (34). In the years since, disability history has grown into a legible subfield. But arguably, Baynton's point about the lack of attention to disability in other historical fields remains more or less true.The stakes of engaging disability are particularly high for queer and trans histories. Many of the field's persistent preoccupations directly concern disability. Queer and trans historians repeatedly return to the medicalization of homosexuality, the entwined histories of intersex and trans medicine, a social-movement era that coincided with the disability rights movement, and the AIDS epidemic. Yet as I put together a syllabus, I struggled to find queer and trans histories that meaningfully engaged with disability.Though something called Queer and Trans Disability History did not properly exist when I put together my syllabus in 2021, I did not feel alone in my conviction that such a thing should exist. In fact, I knew of numerous queer and trans histories of disability on the horizon, including the three books I take up in this review essay.1 Not surprisingly, much of this work returns to the very contexts that queer and trans historians think we know so well. Jess Whatcott and Regina Kunzel offer histories of state-run institutions that Michel Foucault once theorized as part of a “carceral archipelago,” while Kunzel and Patrick McKelvey retell the story of the social-movement era from a new angle.2 In what follows, I will zoom in on Whatcott's Menace to the Future (2024), McKelvey's Disability Works (2024), and Kunzel's In the Shadow of Diagnosis (2024) to ask what a body of work on the queer and trans histories of disability can do for queer, trans, and disability studies.In Menace to the Future, Jess Whatcott tracks the influence of eugenic ideas on the development of a bureaucratic maze of state institutions in California at the turn of the century. In the early twentieth century, California was home to six psychiatric hospitals, three homes for the so-called feebleminded, three juvenile reform schools, one short-lived industrial farm for women, and two prisons. Whatcott returns to the history of these state-run institutions as an organizer in California's abolitionist movement. A history of the present, Menace to the Future excavates a history of eugenics at state-run institutions to tease out the lingering legacies of this history in the current era of mass incarceration.In doing so, Menace to the Future joins an already robust body of literature on the history of eugenics in California. The term eugenics was first coined by the British statistician Francis Galton in 1883 to describe a scientific approach to human breeding. Eugenics quickly traveled globally, most infamously providing a scientific rationale for Nazi Germany's involuntary sterilization and mass murder of millions of people. California eagerly adopted many eugenics policies in the early twentieth century, at a time when many intellectuals, scientists, reformers, and politicians proudly referred to themselves as eugenicists. Between 1909 and 1960, California forcibly sterilized twenty thousand people in state institutions, one-third of sixty thousand sterilizations performed in the United States. The history of California's sterilization program has been meticulously documented in important books, such as Wendy Kline's Building a Better Race (2005) and Alexandra Minne Stern's Eugenic Nation (2005). Whatcott contributes to this conversation by turning their attention away from sterilization and toward the segregation of people into state-run institutions as itself a form of eugenics. They coin the term carceral eugenics to describe how state institutions in the early twentieth century functioned to “control the life chances of groups of people . . . deemed biologically undesirable” and how the same logic continues to operate in prisons and immigration detention centers today (3).To make this case, Whatcott aggregates evidence from thirteen institutions that existed in California during the eugenics era. They consulted the records of Stockton State Hospital (founded in 1851), Sonoma State Home (founded in 1883), Mendocino State Hospital (founded in 1893), and Ventura School for Girls (founded in 1913). They also visited Patton State Hospital, which was founded in 1893 as the Southern California State Asylum and now doubles as a museum and a forensic psychiatric hospital. In addition to their research on individual institutions, Whatcott draws heavily from reports prepared by the Board of Charities and Corrections, a “division of the state bureaucracy” created in 1903 to oversee prisons and other state-run institutions (170).In taking up a wide range of institutions, Whatcott tells the story of eugenics in broad strokes rather than as a granular institutional history. This approach, at times, allows them to offer important theoretical insights for queer and disability studies scholars. They, for example, historicize the concept of a “defective” class as it circulated in eugenics in the early twentieth century. This category, they argue, cannot be simply understood as a pejorative precursor to our contemporary concept of disability. Certainly, some people in state-run institutions had conditions that the Americans with Disabilities Act would legally recognize as disabilities today. But many of the people diagnosed as “feebleminded” or “mentally defective” did not. Whatcott argues that attempts to parse the distinction between those who were and were not “actually” disabled at once misses the process through which the state materially “disabled” everyone in its custody and inadvertently accepts the assumption that some impairments necessitate institutionalization.Thus, rather than projecting back our contemporary concept of disability, Whatcott instead proposes that we think of the people in state-run institutions as queer. As those conversant in queer studies will likely anticipate, Whatcott is not using queer as a loose synonym for people who engage in “same-sex sex” (50). Rather, their book follows Cathy Cohen's proposed itinerary for queer in her now classic essay, “Punks, Bulldaggers, and Welfare Queens” (1997), the most heavily cited essay in the history of GLQ. Frustrated by the unmarked whiteness of most manifestations of queer organizing, Cohen argued for a queer politics instead organized around a coalition of people who share non-normative and marginal positions outside dominant power, as exemplified by the eponymous punk, bulldagger, and welfare queen. Drawing from this framework, Whatcott uses the word queer to describe the subjugation of people ensnared in state institutions, regardless of how they line up with politicized identity categories of the present.3Whatcott's approach to the past allows them to make big claims without getting bogged down in historical detail. However, there are trade-offs to their wide angle of vision. As they admit in the opening pages of the book, they do not have a clear sense of the racial demographics of the thirteen institutions under study, which obviously matters for a project that aspires to think race, gender, sexuality, and disability together. They attribute this gap to “reasons ranging from inconsistent record keeping across institutions to evolving racial categorizations” (13). I do not, however, get the sense that this information is entirely unknowable. 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Disability, queer, and trans in their and will up one in histories of the medicalization of But this is in and disability so together Whatcott's queer history of McKelvey's history of disability, and Kunzel's history of as important early attempts to historicize and disability together. by they the of that disability, and can line make it to up to make a claim about the state of what I now feel as an subfield. But these also the of queer and trans disability historical work to how the and at the of queer, trans, and disability studies and
Rachel Corbman (Wed,) studied this question.