Italian Women in Basilicata: Staying Behind but Moving Forward during the Age of Mass Emigration, 1876–1914

Beginning with the story of Arcangela L. of Potenza searching for her husband and the history of Basilicata, Victoria Calabrese focuses with passionate attention on the women who stayed behind in one of the Italian South's poorest and most isolated regions during the wave emigration in the late nineteenth century. Her book provides a novel perspective on this phenomenon, especially useful for its detailed focus on one relatively little-known region, and an undoubtedly much-needed addition to the history of Basilicata. Working with the Archivio di Stato in Potenza and the Archivio di Stato in Matera, Calabrese employs an exceptionally wide array of primary and secondary sources on rural, illiterate women and their families, including requests women sent through their mayors' offices, their passport applications, the court records from the Corte d'Assise, government bulletins, national and local newspapers, and reports specific to Basilicata.The book is divided into seven chapters, an introduction that includes details about sources and the methodology, a conclusion, and an extensive bibliography. In chapter 1, "Marriage, Tradition, and Emigration," the author underscores the impact of mass emigration on marriage practices and the general strain it placed on families. Before delving into the legal challenges of marriage during the exodus, Calabrese reminds us that marriage was the most common option for young women, besides remaining single (10 percent married in 1881 and 7.4 percent in 1911 compared to the national numbers of 12.3 percent and 10.6 percent) or joining a religious order (in Basilicata, there were 335 nuns in 1881 and 294 in 1911). Women who wanted to marry during the period of emigration were still subject to laws that required the consent of the father; if the father of the intended spouse was abroad and not responding for some reason, marriage was not possible unless he was officially declared dead, at which point an exemption was allowed. Similar restrictions applied to a married woman who had lost contact with her husband and wanted to remarry. Infidelity was not grounds for separation or divorce. And although women were supposed to remain chaste during the long absence of their husbands, it was acceptable for men abroad to be unfaithful to their wives, justified by their physiological needs.In chapter 2, "Motherhood and Migration," Calabrese covers the experiences of single mothers and their means of caring for their children. She draws attention to the unfortunate phenomenon of the fanciulli girovaghi (wandering children) and the traffickers who profited by taking them abroad: "Many English and French cities were overrun by an army of fanciulli girovaghi . . . all of whom played the harp or the violin. . . . Others were taught to play the organetto, flute, guitar, or were even trained to juggle or perform gymnastics" (35–36).Chapter 3, "Women and Economic Change in an Era of Mass Migration," introduces the important role of the atto di procura (power of attorney) during these challenging times. An emigrating husband would sign a power of attorney to permit his wife to act in his stead, or both husband and wife could sign one prior to his departure. In some instances, however, the husband would bypass his wife and name a male relative or friend to carry out his legal transactions. With such consent and within these circumstances, women gained more responsibilities in the management of their homes, businesses, and children; they were able to handle cash and spend money as needed to repair the house, pay off debts, purchase goods, or balance their daily budgets, things they would never have been responsible for if their spouses had not emigrated.Throughout the book, Calabrese advocates that the women of Basilicata be called by their rightful "name": they are not "women who wait" or temporary widows or "widows in white," but women who were left behind, women who had a voice and used governmental channels to find solutions to their problems. In chapter 4, "Women and the State: Forging Citizenship," the author provides specific cases of women who contacted their mayors and prefects to search for their husbands. The women secured petitions to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, sometimes to receive official death certificates or to request that the husband's possessions be sent back to the wife in Italy. Women's requests, Calabrese demonstrates, were usually handled with attention, serious concern, and urgency by the national and local governments.By the early twentieth century, whole villages and towns looked empty: the number of Italians abroad was close to ten million, causing striking demographic shifts. Particularly for rural communities, like those in Basilicata, the drastic lack of young men able to care for the fields and their crops was a serious concern but also a reason to be more united and supportive of one another. In chapter 5, "Family, Community, and Church: Copying with Emigration," Calabrese underscores how the Catholic Church played a major role in caring for the families of Basilicata. Women also had other support groups within the community, such as their own relatives and neighbors who were experiencing the same challenges with husbands, fathers, sons, and brothers far away. Sometimes these close-knit relationships could have a negative impact, as everyone knew everything about everyone else, facilitating the spread of rumors. These rumors were particularly harmful in the many cases of unwanted pregnancies, infidelity, prostitution, honor, and child abandonment, covered in chapter 6, "Deviant Women: Criminal and Dishonorable Activity." At times both the women involved and their communities would give misleading information to the local legal authorities: "The number of reported crimes in all of Italy between 1905 and 1909 rose from 811,487 to 928,707. . . . The number of women found guilty of crimes in all of Italy decreased . . . from 28,404 to 24,478" (109). Calabrese notes Donna Gabaccia's finding that "illegitimate births and infanticides did not increase in this period as a result of emigration" (110). And Calabrese makes clear that despite the general lack of information about the verdicts in these cases, available data does show that "the all-male juries did show some sympathy" (127).Whereas some husbands would return after having earned money to lead a better life at home, others remained abroad and called their wives to join them. Chapter 7, "Returning Men and Emigrating Women," focuses on the percentages, motives, and adaptive strategies of both returning men and women preparing to leave—the process of requesting passports to face the hard journey, or the cases of those women who resorted to illegal emigration if husbands failed to contact them or use proper channels to have their wives join them abroad. Women made up 20 percent of Italian emigrants between 1876 and 1914. Though they did not know the local language or culture, they had to work outside the home to help financially, mainly in sweatshops or in private residences rendering domestic services.In Italian Women in Basilicata, Victoria Calabrese has successfully recorded the neglected stories of the other side of Italian emigration, the women who remained at home navigating hardships and forging new roles as active citizens and community members while leading their own families. Through these stories, she also introduces the story of a region that, having overcome its own challenges, has acquired a new image, with tourism on the rise. With emigration still relevant, Calabrese points out that in today's Basilicata, it is common for women to emigrate first and to send money back home. This book is indeed a must read for all those interested in gender, migration, and family studies, as well as history, culture, and civic engagement. It is a well-written and thoroughly researched study that adds valuable information to the full story of the age of Italian mass emigration. Calabrese has succeeded not only in focusing on Basilicata, to which she is personally connected, but in demonstrating the complexities of emigration and its consequences not only on those who left their lands and families but also on those who remained. Despite their hardships, the women left behind "acted, spoke up, and had a voice" (158), and Calabrese made sure that they continue to be heard.