Introduction Storytelling enables people to narrate their experiences of adaptation, displacement, and belonging. In the digital age, this process is increasingly visible on platforms such as YouTube. Taiwan has a long migration history including episodes of large-scale immigration, emigration, and internal migration (Lin). YouTube has become an important platform in Taiwan, serving as a key site for cultural negotiation and visibility. Taiwan’s government and cultural institutions actively collaborate with YouTube creators to promote the nation’s international visibility (Su). This article explores how migrant vloggers use digital storytelling on YouTube to transform everyday experiences of living in Taiwan into collective hybrid narratives about cultural adaptation and identity negotiation. Literature Review Digital storytelling offers an insightful approach to understanding how individuals construct and share narratives of experience in online environments. Essentially, it refers to personal stories conveyed through digital tools, combining textual, visual, and auditory elements into multimodal forms of communication (Lambert). Unlike traditional storytelling, digital storytelling functions both as a form of self-expression and as a relational act that invites interaction and meaning-making within communities. As Kay Teehan notes, this contemporary practice responds to the continuing human need to make sense of the world and share experiences with others, representing the most recent stage in a historical tradition that extends back to cave paintings (7). By linking earlier narration practices to contemporary ones, digital storytelling provides a conceptual framework for examining how migrants’ experiences of transition and adaptation are transformed into publicly accessible narratives. Beyond its demographic dimension, migration is also a narrative process through which individuals interpret and communicate their encounters. As Lilie Chouliaraki and Myria Georgiou observe, migration has long been a constant yet shifting force of human mobility. There are diverse causes including existential, economic, and environmental factors behind it in both regional and global trajectories (2). Crossing borders therefore raises questions about identity, belonging, and adaptation that are often conveyed through personal stories linking individual transformation within the wider cultural and social contexts. While much of the existing research on migration and new media has focussed on identity and integration, Mirca Madianou and Daniel Miller note that questions of sociality and intimacy in transnational contexts remain underexplored (7). Since its launch, YouTube has evolved from a casual video-sharing site (Burgess and Green) into a prominent medium for everyday storytelling. As Nancy Baym observes, the platform has expanded the capacity of individuals to produce mediated content on a mass scale, opening opportunities for visibility and recognition beyond traditional cultural industries (4). Henry Jenkins situates YouTube within the logic of participatory culture, where users not only consume but also actively shape and circulate media. This participatory factor positions YouTube as a transnational social media platform that enables the customisation of content production and the ability to attract audiences (Febriyantoro). As Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson argue, such online environments provide powerful spaces for experimenting with selfhood, enabling users to present versions of an “authentic” self (74). While participatory platforms like YouTube enable users to express themselves and share personal narratives, recent scholarship on platform culture reminds us that such participation is also shaped by underlying economic and algorithmic logics that structure visibility and engagement (Gillespie; van Dijck et al.). Taken together, these perspectives highlight how YouTube is both a place for self-expression and creative participation. Vlogging has emerged as one of YouTube’s most significant genres for the circulation of personal narratives. Filmed in ordinary settings and adopting conversational styles, vlogs transform mundane routines into relatable stories while positioning everyday life as a central site of narration. As Ümit Kennedy notes, vlogging functions as a contemporary form of autobiography, documenting experiences through which online identities are relationally formed (“Exploring”; “Becoming”). Tobias Raun’s study of transgender vlogging similarly highlights its transformative potential for producing and exploring the self, while Alberta Adji demonstrates how women vloggers narrate everyday relations with culture and nature. Scholarship further illustrates the diversity of these practices, such as studies of digital religious homemaking among Indonesian migrants (Budiman) and the role of travel vlogs in influencing consumer behavior (Silaban et al.). These studies show how YouTube fosters hybrid spaces where identity, representation, and economic factors intersect in vlogs. Jean Burgess and Joshua Green identify the vlog as one of YouTube’s central cultural forms, rooted in amateur creativity yet opening private experience to broader publics (43). Migrant vloggers extend this scope, using the ordinariness of daily life as storytelling devices that both express personal experience and mediate cultural adaptation. In this way, vlogging functions as a mode of digital storytelling that is autobiographical and relational, and in which authenticity, belonging, and hybridity are continuously negotiated. Cultural adaptation involves the prolonged negotiation of difference as migrants learn to navigate unfamiliar routines, spaces, and expectations. Storytelling becomes a crucial practice through which migrants construct continuity between past and present while negotiating their sense of place in new surroundings. Young Yun Kim highlights that individuals are not born with the knowledge required to function in society but gradually construct their sense of self and reality through interaction with their cultural “home world”, initially shaped by family and significant others (46). Moreover, scholars such as Jiexiu Chen and Junwen Zhu underline the significance of influencing factors including social networks, cultural distance, and cultural intelligence in shaping adaptation outcomes (11). This perspective resonates with Le-Phuong et al., who demonstrate that social media platforms operate as spaces of storytelling where overlapping identities are made visible and negotiated. Additionally, Earvin Cabalquinto shows how Filipino migrant workers have turned to TikTok to produce counter-narratives contesting official portrayals of overseas life. These dynamics parallel the narratives in migrant vlogs in Taiwan. Building on these works, the analysis examines how migrant vloggers in Taiwan use YouTube to narrate adaptation and belonging, situating their personal accounts within transnational and platform-mediated contexts. It explores Taiwanese audience reception to Western migrant vlogs, and their increasing professionalisation through sponsored content. Finally, it concludes by discussing the imbalanced visibility that Western migrant vlogs receive in Taiwan. Methodology and Analysis Channel Subscribers Joined Videos Origin Life in Taiwan 368,000 2017 517 UK Lukas in Taiwan 355,000 2008 620 Sweden Tristan H. (崔璀璨) 323,000 2012 321 USA WEI HONG (闈鴻) 191,000 2012 77 France Prozzie 159,000 2013 368 Canada Table 1: Overview of the five YouTube channels included in the sample A purposive sampling strategy was employed to capture the narrative diversity and thematic richness of migrant vlogging in Taiwan. The sample consists of five long-term foreign vloggers who regularly produce Taiwan-related content across multiple themes (see Table 1). The selection process began with keyword searches on YouTube related to living in Taiwan, moving to Taiwan, or daily life in Taiwan, followed by algorithmic recommendations that helped identify active vloggers. Five channels were selected based on visibility (over 150,000 subscribers), duration of activity (vlogging consistently for more than three years), and thematic diversity (for instance, covering various aspects of daily life and cultural adaptation in Taiwan). This sample size was designed to balance depth with manageability, following established best practices in qualitative digital media research that privilege thematic saturation over statistical generalisability (Braun and Clarke). To maintain representational balance, the channel Ku’s Dream (with more than two million subscribers) was excluded due to its disproportionate scale compared to others. The final sample thus includes creators from different national backgrounds who have consistently produced Taiwan-focussed content between 2008 and 2025. According to the Foreign Residents by Nationality report published by the Ministry of the Interior, National Immigration Agency, Republic of China (Taiwan) in February 2025, the largest migrant groups in Taiwan originate from Indonesia (108,671 male; 213,763 female), Vietnam (170,603 male; 114,689 female), the Philippines (75,010 male; 100,983 female) and Thailand (65,590 male; 17,605 female). In contrast, the number of long-term residents from Western countries (France: 1,481 male, 575 female; Canada: 1,893 male, 708 female; the United Kingdom: 2,337 male, 556 female; and the United States: 7,869 male, 3,145 female) remains relatively small. Despite the diversity of Taiwan’s migrant population, YouTube’s landscape remains dominated by Western content creators. This disparity reveals a striking imbalance between the demographic realities of migration and the representational visibility afforded by digital platforms. Although the research did not initially aim to focus specifically on Western vloggers, the sampling process revealed that the migrant creators in Taiwan with the largest audiences and longest production histories were entirely from Western countries. This outcome emerged naturally from the data and reflects YouTube’s visibility dynamics rather than a deliberate sampling choice. Building on this dataset, the subsequent analysis focussed on identifying recurring narrative and thematic patterns across the selected channels. After viewing a wide range of videos, three recurring analytical themes were inductively identified: everyday life and cultural belonging, social relations and rituals, and platform labour and technological practices. Overall, the combination of thematic coding and visual narrative analysis provided a nuanced understanding of how vloggers construct meaning around everyday life, social interaction, and platform participation (Creswell). Everyday Life and Cultural Belonging The migrant vloggers analysed consistently narrate their everyday routines as a way of negotiating cultural belonging. In this article, cultural belonging refers to the ways individuals experience and express attachment to a host community through everyday practices and mediated storytelling, where belonging is continuously negotiated rather than fixed (Yuval-Davis; Couldry). Vloggers often explain their reasons for migration through personal testimonies. For instance, Prozzie (a Canadian migrant vlogger) documents his everyday life in Taiwan showing routines like eating out or grocery shopping. These narratives are complemented by videos that feature guest interviews with other migrants, providing additional perspectives on shared experiences such as dealing with language barriers, and navigating everyday cultural challenges. A good example is 外國人介紹台灣 Lukas in Taiwan, a channel run by a Swedish vlogger who shares his own journey and hosts conversations with fellow migrants and long-term foreign residents in Taiwan. By including these voices, the videos broaden the scope of individual testimony and highlight the diverse ways in which foreigners make sense of their lives in Taiwan. In these accounts, they frequently compare Taiwan with their home countries. These comparisons highlight both the opportunities like accessible healthcare, living standards, income levels, and social safety, and the challenges such as the humid weather, typhoon season, housing conditions, and prices in Taiwan. Another dimension of cultural belonging is exemplified by the channel Tristan H. 崔璀璨, where an American vlogger performs songs in Taiwanese. By adopting the local language and musical tradition, she differentiates her channel from other migrant vloggers and also fosters a deeper sense of connection with Taiwanese audiences. Viewers often comment that hearing their native songs performed by a foreigner is an extraordinary experience. It reinforces their cultural identity and strengthens the feeling of recognition and pride. By choosing to perform songs in Taiwanese, a vernacular language linked to local identity rather than the official Mandarin, she directly engages with a cultural tradition that is often neglected by foreigners. This approach differentiates her from other migrant vloggers and challenges stereotypical views of migrants as outsiders, portraying her as a participant in local cultural life. Food-related content emerges as one of the recurrent motifs across the channels. Without exception, every vlogger I examined produced multiple videos on food. This highlights the symbolic role of culinary practices in cultural adaptation. Vloggers present eating and cooking as everyday cultural performances that help them integrate into Taiwanese society. This is evident in the channel 闈鴻 WEI HONG, created by a French vlogger who frequently produces food-related content. Like many other migrant vloggers, he explores a wide range of culinary experiences from trying new flavours to engaging with the authentic tastes of local cuisine. His videos often highlight moments when he dares to try dishes that many foreigners might hesitate to eat. Taiwanese viewers frequently praise his curiosity and willingness to learn about the cultural background of these foods. He is often accompanied by friends or family members in his vlogs. In one video, despite being out of Taiwan during Lunar New Year, he arranged to celebrate the occasion with a Taiwanese chef and his family in France by preparing and tasting Taiwanese festive dishes together. In this sense, food is framed as a social practice. Overall, the abundance of food vlogs demonstrates how food functions as a bridge for audience engagement showing both enjoyment and deeper immersion in local culture. Beyond food, I found that vloggers frequently share other aspects of daily life, such as housing and healthcare. They describe housing as expensive and difficult to secure. They often explain their own efforts to find apartments or negotiate with landlords. In a similar way, in his channel lifeintaiwan, British vlogger Allan covers topics like citizenship procedures and driver’s licence requirements. These kind of guidance videos on healthcare or driver’s licence applications combine personal experiences with practical advice. They also usually invite viewers’ feedback or recommendations. In doing so, vloggers transform individual adaptation challenges into shared resources for collective learning, reinforcing the community dimension of digital storytelling. Social Relations and Rituals I observed that vlogs draw attention to the social and relational dimensions of adaptation, especially where migrant vloggers are married to Taiwanese partners. These vlogs often represent domestic life, intimate relationships, and even family dynamics. For example, Prozzie has some videos about choosing wedding rings, in which he discusses the process with his Taiwanese partner, and reflects on cultural expectations surrounding marriage. These portrayals provide close and personal perspectives granting audiences access to private aspects of migrant lives. I also noticed how both Taiwanese and international content creators highlight friendships, showing how migrants actively weave social networks across cultural boundaries. A clear example is the collaboration between lifeintaiwan and Prozzie, who not only became friends but also co-produced videos that demonstrate how personal ties evolve into shared creative practices. These collaborations also reflect the intersection of friendship and monetised labour, where cultural expression and economic motivation often coexist. I further observed that engagement with Taiwanese festivals and rituals serves as another marker of cultural adaptation. When vloggers document participation in religious or cultural events, they position themselves within Taiwanese traditions while simultaneously interpreting them for migrant and international audiences. In doing so, they transform these videos into both records of cultural immersion and sites of negotiation where personal identity meets broader cultural practices. On the 闈鴻 WEI HONG channel, for instance, festivals are highlighted, including a video on the Dajia Mazu pilgrimage. In this video, he engages in cultural negotiation by conversing with local participants to learn about the meaning of the pilgrimage. He documents everyday details of the journey and even spends a night in a temple alongside other devotees. He also reflects on his religious background and draws comparisons between his own religious heritage and Taiwanese ritual practices. These narrative strategies reveal his effort to immerse himself in Taiwanese cultural traditions. They also highlight the intercultural dialogue that emerges when personal identity is positioned in relation to local beliefs. Vlogs are deeply influenced by the presence of an imagined audience, since vlogs are crafted with viewers in mind (Kennedy 568). This study reveals that the imagined audience for migrant vloggers in Taiwan shifts over time, from English to Taiwanese. While the earliest uploads for each channel were primarily in English (often without Chinese subtitles or with English subtitles only), later uploads increasingly incorporated Chinese subtitles, suggesting an adaptation to a growing Taiwanese viewership. The comment sections further illustrate this trend, as most of the active engagement comes from Taiwanese users who respond to and interact with the vloggers. Although scraping tools could technically provide precise viewer data, this approach was beyond the methodological scope of the present study. Nevertheless, the patterns of interaction indicate that vloggers gradually came to address a predominantly Taiwanese audience. This is also reflected in the way vloggers frame their narratives with direct forms of address that increasingly position Taiwanese viewers as their main imagined community. Comments frequently express support, curiosity, and advice from local audiences. Even in English-language videos, vloggers also consistently use Chinese subtitles as a deliberate strategy of linguistic accessibility. While attracting a wider audience is an inherent goal for most creators, the use of Chinese subtitles in Taiwan also reflects a form of cultural adaptation and participation in local digital practices. Platform Labour and Technological Practices Migrant vlogs in Taiwan move beyond lifestyle and cultural immersion to highlight the economic and aesthetic dimensions of adaptation. Some vloggers maintain offline jobs in Taiwan and narrate their work routines, while others position YouTube as a professional pathway and often form sponsorships with Taiwanese companies. This is clearly seen in Tristan H. 崔璀璨, whose channel demonstrates how collaborations with Taiwanese companies can turn YouTube into a professional avenue via blending personal storytelling with commercial partnerships. In one of her videos, she promotes a German mattress brand through personal storytelling, beginning with a visit to a local market for basic supplies before testing the product in an abandoned kindergarten. The product is framed within a horror-themed narrative that localises it to Taiwan’s humid climate and characteristic housing conditions. Migrant vloggers like Tristan are well received because they combine an outsider’s curiosity with local engagement, though brand appeal also depends on follower reach and visibility. This professionalisation resonates with Mingyi Hou’s observation that homegrown stars on YouTube are increasingly regarded as social media influencers whose visibility and original content can be mobilised for brand promotion, a dynamic that also frames how migrant vloggers in Taiwan negotiate authenticity and adaptation within platform economies (34). These arrangements demonstrate that their main audience is local, making their creative output simultaneously a form of cultural expression and a market-oriented activity. Jin Kim argues that YouTube has undergone heavy commercialisation, making the boundary between amateur user-generated content and professional productions increasingly difficult to sustain. This blurring is also evident in the technological practices of vloggers. While some rely on a straightforward face-to-camera style, such as Allan who frequently addresses his viewers in a seated monologue format, others adopt more dynamic techniques. Prozzie often records from a motor-mounted camera that conveys the immediacy of movement. Similarly, Wei Hong uses mobile camerawork and fast-paced editing to capture everyday scenes in a more kinetic style. Tristan, by contrast, integrates music performance into her content, producing song videos that resemble professional clips rather than casual uploads. Lukas’s gradual investment in filming equipment has given his channel an increasingly professional look. These diverse choices operate as narrative strategies that shape how authenticity and everyday life are performed. By merging creative expression with professionalised production values, migrant vloggers negotiate cultural adaptation while simultaneously confronting its connection with platform labour. Discussion and Conclusion In summary, the analysis demonstrates how migrant vloggers in Taiwan employ digital storytelling to articulate the complexity of adaptation. Their videos intertwine everyday practices, intimate relationships, and cultural strategies. These strategies produce hybrid narratives that merge personal experience with cultural participation. In this context, YouTube appears to be more than a medium of expression. As Andrew Tolson observes, YouTube communication cultivates a “new authenticity” by reproducing the feel of interpersonal exchange, a feature that also shapes how migrant vloggers narrate cultural adaptation in Taiwan (278). It functions as a platform culture where migrants negotiate belonging, engage with mainly local audiences, and transform individual adaptation into forms of social and cultural capital. In contrast to the diversity of Taiwan’s migrant communities, YouTube visibility is disproportionately concentrated among Western vloggers. The absence of Southeast Asian vloggers in this landscape underscores how algorithmic, linguistic, and racial hierarchies shape who becomes visible and who remains unseen in Taiwan’s digital storytelling ecology. This imbalance illustrates how social visibility on digital platforms is shaped not only by algorithmic and linguistic factors but also racialised privilege. While many Western migrants describe Taiwan as an exceptionally friendly and comfortable place to live, such experiences reflect what Pei-Chia Lan terms “white privilege” and “positive racism”, where Western migrants benefit from preferential social treatment and symbolic capital. The friendliness and accessibility that these vloggers frequently highlight illustrate the forms of selective hospitality Lan describes, which are not equally extended to migrants of different ethnic and class backgrounds. Although audience engagement on YouTube often appears as a form of cultural exchange, the reactions to Western vloggers performing local culture, such as speaking Mandarin or singing Taiwanese, reveal, as my analysis suggests, a further layer of racialised spectatorship that resonates with Lan’s observations but also reflects the specific dynamics of digital visibility. The concept of racialised spectatorship captures how acts of looking are mediated by racial histories and hierarchies (Ahmed). These findings point out the ambivalent role of migrant vloggers as both cultural mediators and participants in the racialised dynamics of Taiwan’s digital landscape. While their content contributes to digital storytelling, the promotion of Taiwanese culture to global audiences, and the sharing of their own cultural backgrounds within Taiwan, it also reflects the uneven structures of visibility and privilege that shape platform cultures. Simultaneously, their narratives influence public perceptions and foster intercultural dialogue, revealing how personal stories can both reproduce and challenge existing hierarchies of representation. By integrating individual experiences with broader collective frames, these vloggers participate in redefining how migration is seen and narrated in the Taiwanese mediascape. Further comparative research on migrant vloggers from non-Western backgrounds is needed to capture the diversity of migration experiences and media practices in Taiwan, extending beyond visibility metrics or thematic similarity. 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