We explore semantic and syntactic properties of a set of Romance deadjectival verbs shar-ing comparable (Latin-inherited) derivational morphology. We find that a continuum from minimally to maximally different semantic and syntactic (argument structure) configura-tions emerges across distinct Romance languages. Contrasts touch on both the semantic relevance of the verbalizer, the constructional properties delivered, and the relative role of lexically-coded scalar structures in the aspectual profile obtained. In Italian the choice of verbalizer yields a nontrivial derivational alternation, whereby verb meaning and behavior are transparently read off its morphosyntactic (derivational) makeup. This alternative is either collapsed under identical derivational compositions (Catalan, Brazilian Portuguese) in a morphologically opaque alternation between different syntactic and aspectual prop-erties, or else unavailable (Spanish). An Italian-Spanish contrast shows the two opposite ends of the continuum (maximally distinct argument structure and aspectual behavior), an Italian-Catalan contrast offers new evidence on the existence of distinct eventive within stative types with have direct implications on aspectual behavior and transitivity. A refined vie of change of state predication and degree achievements yields a notable difference between Hispanic (Spanish, Catalan) languages (eventivity and internal-argument licensing remaining constant) vs. Italian and French.
Maria Eugenia Mangialavori Rasia (Wed,) studied this question.