This analysis reevaluates the etymology of Latin signum in relation to its Sabellic counterparts, highlighting implications for phonological understanding.
The etymology of Latin signum ‘mark, sign’ and its Sabellic cognates such as Oscan segnúm ‘statue’ has long been disputed. I reevaluate the two main hypotheses as to what verbal root of Proto-Indo-European underlies these forms: * sekH - ‘cut’ (Lat. secō ) or * sek w - ‘follow’ (Lat. sequor ). The former, though well received among scholars, will turn out to be problematic from a phonological standpoint; while the syncope of the vocalized laryngeal in the putative reconstruction * sekH - no - and the subsequent voicing assimilation of * k before n could account for Latin signum , the same explanation is not applicable to the Sabellic data due to the forms like Oscan akeneí ‘year’ with a voiceless velar. The reconstruction * sek w - no - thus enables us to pursue a unitary treatment for both Latin and Sabellic. Furthermore, I argue that the wide range of semantics of signum can be better explained by * sek w -. As the Germanic derivative * sek w - ni - shows (e.g., Gothic siuns ‘sight, appearance’), the underlying notion ‘follow’ of the verbal root is used as not only ‘physically follow’ but also ‘visually follow’; this binary value is sufficiently broad to encompass the various senses of our ‘sign’ words.
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Kanehiro Nishimura (2025) studied this question.
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