This paper investigates the phonology of initial peaks in European Portuguese intonation. Evidence is presented for two types of peaks: an accentual peak, that is consistently aligned relative to the first stressed syllable; and a phrasal peak, that is aligned relative to the left-edge of the intonational phrase and within the limits of the first prosodic word. The former is best represented as an H* accent, whereas the latter is a phrasal H tone with a peripheral association to the left-edge of the I-phrase and a secondary association with the first ù. This secondary attachment precludes the phrasal H and a pitch accent from co-occurring at the left periphery of the contour. By offering a new account of initial peaks, the present study contributes to a better understanding of the options available at the left periphery of the Portuguese intonational system.
Sónia Frota (2003) studied this question.