Despite the transition from authoritarian rule to a democratically elected government in 1985, there remains in Brazil a persistent gap between the formal principles and the actual practices of democracy. The gap is particularly manifest in the daily contacts between citizens and representatives of state authority, especially regarding the treatment ofAfro-Brazilians. Analyses of the' regulated. and relational character of citizenship in Brazil, as well as observations about the attitudinal dispositions of the members of the criminaljustice system, suggest thatAfro-Brazilians are likely to benefitfromfewer protections compared to whites and are more likely to suffer discrimination at the hands of the police. Analyses of the 1988 National Household Survey (PNAD-88) support both hypotheses: Net of statistical controls for key socioeconomic indicators, AfroBrazilians are more likely than whites to be the victim of assault, and they are more likely to be assaulted by the police. Thefindings show how the perceptions of class, color, and criminality produce differential protections and treatments inconsistent with the attributes of universal citizenship. Our analysis points more generally to theformidable institutional and cultural challenges that confront the attempt to fully consolidate a democratic regime in Brazil. The demise of authoritarian rule in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, and Uruguay represents a critical watershed in the contemporary political history of Latin America.' Yet, for all of the attention that these events have received, it appears that the fundamental dilemmas posed by the wave of regime changes that took
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Mitchell et al. (1999) studied this question.
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