The historical development of [g] and [b] in a regional German dialect

In a German dialect spoken in a rural region of Lorraine the reflexes of Middle High German (MHG) [g b] are the corresponding fricatives ([j β]) in intervocalic position, but MHG [g b] surface in the same dialect as [g b] before [ɘl], e.g. MHG le [ g ] en > le [ j ] en ‘to lay’ vs. MHG ke [ g ] el > Ke [ g ] el ‘cone’. We argue that the spirantization of MHG [b g] requires the spreading of [+continuant] from a vowel. Since the sound change also went into effect after liquids (i.e. [l r]), we hold that [l r] at this stage were also [+continuant]. Examples like Kegel are argued to require that MHG [b g] first spirantized and then occlusivized to [b g]. Since the latter process was triggered by [l] only, we take this as evidence that [l] (but not [r]) at that stage in the language was [–continuant]. The analysis supports the cross-linguistic (synchronic) evidence that [l] can be [+continuant] in some languages and [–continuant] in others (Mielke Phonology 22: 169–203, 2005). We argue that language change involved a reanalysis of the [+continuant] [l] in MHG as [–continuant]. Our treatment will also be argued to support the claim that sound change is minimal in the sense that it only changes one feature (Picard Folia Linguistica Historica 20: 63–77, 1999).