Financializing Healthcare and Infrastructures of Social Reproduction: How to Bankrupt a Hospital and be Unprepared for a Pandemic

literature despite the fact that ISRs can potentially enact or destroy forms of biological citizenship (Netz et al., ), strengthening or weakening community and social ties and deeply affecting economic and productive practices.Financialization literature for its part had equally limited engagement with social reproduction debates.Van der Zwan () identifies three core streams in this literature: financialization as a new regime of accumulation; financialization as the rise of shareholder value; and financialization of everyday life.Within this last stream, Kaika and Ruggiero () researched the shift from industrial to financial capitalism as a "lived" process and documented how the everyday lives of factory workers became fully intertwined with the restructuring of the economy.More recently there have been more systematic attempts to theorize a better understanding of how the infiltration of finance-led practices, metrics, and logics can transform citizens into financial actors (Langley, ; García-Lamarca and Kaika, ; Doling and Ronald, ).However, this shift of attention from financial processes to everyday life within financialization literature has thus centered its attention mainly on households, mortgages, loans, and credit and has paid little attention to the infiltration of financial and market logics in the management of ISR: from hospitals, schools, and day-care facilities, to water, flood protection, and toxic waste disposal infrastructures.Even after the COVID- pandemic, issues related to ISRs and the "lived" dimension of financialization remains marginal or even ignored in debates around the economy and financialization (Bakker, ).The COVID- pandemic, which broke out after this paper's submission, revealed the importance of researching how the financialization of everyday life is also enacted through the marketization and financialization of ISRhealthcare in particular.The Netherlands, on which this article focuses, is an interesting case since it has been a laboratory for the introduction of new financial instruments in healthcare since the s.The pandemic found the Netherlands (like many other countries) with reduced capacity in Intensive Care Unit beds (ICU), something that becameliterallya matter of life or death in the design and implementation of national strategies  .The reduction of ICU beds was the direct outcome of the restructuring of the Dutch healthcare sector which began in  when the government instated the Dekker commission to rationalize the cost of healthcare (Mosciaro et al., ; Kroneman et al., ; van de Ven, ).In the report "Willingness to Change" (Roscam Abbing, ) the Dekker commission, which was almost exclusively comprised of economists, lawyers, and businessmen, proposed a new economic model for financing and delivering healthcare.They aimed to reduce costs and increase quality by introducing competition amongst healthcare providers, and by establishing client-provider relationships between healthcare sector workers and patients (Toebes, ; Zuiderent-Jerak, ; Enthoven, a, b)."This discursive shift towards