Technology-oriented entrepreneurs seem to come from three distinct cultures. The first is spontaneous, and is the result of a technically-oriented education system which produces a large number of practically skilled people who found their own firms and provide employment to others. Entrepreneurs in this culture thrive on shared values, explicit and tacit skills, and a common closeness to their customers, to other producers in their location. Within the firm there is no distinction between the entrepreneur and their workforce. Their strength is in their agility not only to respond to their customers but to assess and learn new technologies tha.t help make them dynamic learning entities. Innovation is widespread, incremental and a trial and error affair. The second culture is based on highly qualified, usually doctoral level, entreprenc:urs who are produced from an elitist educational system that separates innovators from operatives. It thrives on large research and development (R&D) expenditure, and entrepreneurs spin-off from the innovating laboratories. I t glorifies new knowledge, secrecy, the protection of intellectual property rights, and individualism. Its development seems deterministic. The third culture is state-initiated and can be described as a diffusion model. The state took technology initiatives, leveraged its own and external investor funds and took steps to upgrade the skills and capabilities of its indigenous citizens through a variety of strategies. Sub-Saharan African countries following independence tried this third culture with dismal failure. In the present global realities, it would seem that the first culture is most relevant for sub-Saharan Africa. But the methods of replicating it on the continent require serious empirical investigation.
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Titus Adeboye (1996) studied this question.
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