In 2003, the Turkish AKP ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, recognising legal equality between men and women. Similarly, in 2004, the Moroccan PJD endorsed the reform of the Family Code (al-mudawwana), setting men and women on equal footing in regard to the family. Why do Islamic-oriented political parties make ideological concessions and adopt gender reforms that run contrary to their conservative and family-centred perception of gender? The inclusion-moderation hypothesis expects religious parties to abandon their revolutionary project and adopt liberal democratic values once they decide to participate in formal politics. Accordingly, the AKP and the PJD have adjusted to the pressure of their respective socio-political contexts by accommodating certain women’s demands. However, this accommodation does not mean that either party has renounced its religious conservatism. Both have established women’s branches and formed alliances with women’s organisations aligned with their ideological orientations. This strategic cooperation has allowed them to reproduce and reinforce their conservative identities while appealing to women. In this sense, women have become active agents for societal mobilisation and political outreach. Political Islam is becoming feminised – – it is acquiring a female face.
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