In countries without well-functioning formal seed systems, farmers exchange seed in various ways: through family ties, friendships, and trade and labor relations. Seed exchange occurs within and between villages, sometimes over large distances. Distances over 1,000 km are reported in Ethiopia (McGuire 2005 ). In principle, for farmers to obtain or exchange seeds of the right variety, consistent variety naming is important, as the visible traits of seeds only reveal a small portion of the varietal properties. Some studies reported consistency in variety naming, e.g., on sorghum ( Sorghum vulgare L.) in Ethiopia (Teshome et al. 1997 ; Tunstall et al. 2001 ), and on maize ( Zea Mays L.) in Cuzalapa, Mexico (Louette et al. 1997 ). However, other studies found less consistent naming, e.g., on maize in Oaxaca, Mexico (Badstue et al. 2002 ), on cassava ( Manihot esculentum Crantz) in the Peruvian upper Amazon (Salick et al. 1997 ), and on rice in Lao PDR ( Oryza sativa L.) (Appo Rao et al. 2002 ). The combined information from these studies suggests that the level of consistency in variety naming in a farming system is variable and influenced by various socioeconomic factors, such as markets and infrastructure, and agroecological factors, such predictability of rainfall and proximity of different ecologies. Ethnobiological studies described in detail folk classification and naming of plant species and concluded they were remarkably consistent (Berlin et al. 1973 ; Berlin 1992 ). The explanation is that, independent from culture, humans share a common understanding how to classify the natural environment (Boster 1987 ; Berlin 1999 ). But so far, little attention has been paid to crop variety naming that relates to the level below species in biological classification systems.
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Nuijten et al. (2008) studied this question.
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