The pandemic of coronavirus: misconceptions from the land of Mesopotamia

Pandemics and epidemics on earth are well-known phenomena throughout the history. The land of Mesopotamia is not an exception in this regard. Myths related with diseases are an integral part of human beings’ epistemological evolution. The discussion of misconceptions on diseases deserves a unique consideration for crucial reasons. Misconceptions help deteriorating the ramifications of diseases on human beings. A healthy understanding of diseases contributes significantly to contain these fatal repercussions. The significance of the present paper lies in attracting attention to misconceptions in order to approach diseases from a purely scientific viewpoint and thereby decrease their potential impacts. The novel coronavirus travelled the world rapidly and found sanctuary in Kurdistan region and Iraq. The development of the first wave of the pandemic in Iraq followed a pattern familiar with respect to contagious diseases. The very first cases were confirmed in early spring 2020. At this stage, the number of cases remained low. With the summer approaching, the cases gradually increased. They hit a peak at early autumn. By the end of the season, the confirmed cases dropped significantly. 2021 brought the cases to a very low number. Nevertheless, the cases started to rise again since the mid of February. A marked segment of the society in the country received the outbreak of the virus in Iraq with some degree of ease. Accompanied with this reaction was the inextricable emergence of several perceptions about the virus ranging from its presence to the treatment of the infection caused by it. The social media served as a double-edged sword with reference to the misconceptions on the pandemic. The platforms provided valuable reliable information on the pandemic. The proliferation of information and the algorithmic reality of the platforms created a challenge in distinguishing between true and false information. Iraqi users of the social media were naturally faced with false information and the platforms played a marked part in the spread of the misconceptions. They are dubbed “myths” here given the contradictory position the scientific community hold on them. Myths emerge regardless of time, field of interest, and geographic area. Below are some of them observed in Iraq with respect to the novel coronavirus, but are certainly not fully specific of the country1. The present piece aims at addressing some of these perceptions emerged within the context of the novel coronavirus in Kurdistan and Iraq, the land of Mesopotamian people. The misconception of the absence This perception assumed that the virus was not present. It was shared by a marked segment of the society and held a strong power especially at the early stages of the outbreak of the virus. The influence of this perception weakened gradually in tandem with an increase in the public awareness as well as the number of the infected. The myth continued to exist in the society2. The misconception of the artificiality Another part of the population perceived that the virus was intentionally produced rather than naturally born. This viewpoint was apparently influenced by conspiracy theories stressing the egoistic nature of politics. The power of this perception became limited several months following the arrival of the virus in Iraq. Some people remained skeptical about the naturalness of the virus and alert to emerging reports suggesting its artificiality2,3. The misconception of the exceptionality For a considerable group of the inhabitants, the novel coronavirus was the archenemy of the elderly alone. This perception fairly refuted the entire exclusion of the youth from the diversified pool of victims of the virus, but determined this class of the population less vulnerable than it actually was. The inevitable infection of the youth helped providing a better picture on the expected targets of the virus, but continued to fail in completely killing the perception of the exceptionality2–4. The misconception of the negativity The adherents of this perception preferred that the medical staff inform the infected that the result of their coronavirus tests was negative. This preference was apparently supported by the relatives of the infected for seemingly good intentions. Informing the infected of the positive result of the test was possible to damage their morale. The society was rested on collectivism and relatives held strong feelings of sympathy toward each other4. The misconception of the reliability The diagnosis of the infection subjected the medical staff and the population to a dilemma. The source of the dilemma represented the inherent contradiction between the demonstration of potential symptoms of the infection and the result of the coronavirus test being the test is not highly sensitive; while the subject of the test presented possible symptoms of the infection, the result of the test verified the subject in question was not infected. This happened in reverse order too5. The misconception of the untrustworthiness An emerged perception maintained the lethality of a certain medication (particularly injections and dexamethasone) for the infected by the coronavirus. The medical staff reportedly resorted to this medication in critical cases. Some people perceived the medication in direct relation with the death of the infected by the coronavirus. The social media provided a platform for the spread of arguments on the medication by the population and the medical staff6. The misconception of the reengineering The vaccines produced to treat the infection caused by the novel coronavirus were perceived with suspicion on the part of some people. This perception suggested that the vaccines contain some materials destined to alter the genetic construction of the vaccinated. This theory was made with a particular reference to the mRNA-based vaccine, but included vaccines produced in other countries too6,7. Under conditions of uncertainty, myths unavoidably emerged. The outbreak of the novel coronavirus prepared the ground for the construction of myths in distinct regions of the world. Peoples were rightly concerned about the potential ramifications associated with the virus. In Iraq, the population reacted to an uncertain development represented by the spread of the virus. This state of affairs helped conditioning the construction of myths with regard to the pandemic. For a healthy treatment of infectious diseases in the future, this paper recommends strongly that individuals consult reliable sources for data. Public awareness and individual education help ruling out misconceptions to a considerable degree. The paper finds useful the practice of responsibility in releasing ideas about diseases particularly from nonspecialists in the area. It also suggests that the presence of strong bonds between the medical professionals and the public is helpful in treating misconceptions. Ethical approval None. Sources of funding None. Author contribution A.M.M. is solo-author in designing, drafting, and conducting the version of the paper. Conflicts of interest disclosure The author declares that there is no financial conflict of interest with regard to the content of this report. Research registration unique identifying number (UIN) None. Guarantor Ameen M. Mohammad.