Verb‐second and the A‐bar Syntax of Subjects

Two competing theories of verb‐second clause structure are compared, and their relative merits are identified. A synthesis of the two theories is proposed, wherein the position occupied by the subject in finite clauses in verb‐second Germanic languages is argued to be uniformly Spec‐C, in both verb‐second clauses and non‐verb second clauses. It is shown that this approach allows for a unified theory of Germanic verb‐second. The mechanisms which motivate subject movement for Spec‐C are elucidated, and the necessary accompanying constraints on CP‐recursion structures are presented. A revision of Holmberg's (1986) Predicate Principle is defended as the driving force for verb‐second head‐movement.