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3rd-grade children previously classified as either reflective or impulsive were administered a serial learning task under 3 different conditions. After administration of 2 lists, 1 group was told their performance was poor, a 2nd was told that the next lists were difficult, and controls were given no special communication. Impulsive Ss in all groups reported more incorrect words before and after experimental intervention. Reflective boys who were told the next lists were difficult showed the largest increase in incorrect words. The dramatic differences in quality of problem solving among children of the same age or among children of different ages have been attributed primarily to two categories of constructs—motivational variables and/or adequacy of conceptual skills. In effect, differences in quality of cognitive products have been explained by assuming either that one child cared more about his performance, or that one child had more knowledge relevant to the task. However, other cognitive processes are an intimate part of problem-solving activity. One of these processes concerns the degree to which the child reflects over the adequacy of a solution hypothesis. Some children—and adults—select and report solution hypotheses quickly with minimal consideration for their probable accuracy. Other children, of equal intelligence, take more time to decide about the validity of solutions. The former group has been called impulsive, the latter reflective. The reflectionimpulsivity dimension exerts its influence at two places in the problem-solving sequence. A schematic description of the chronology of problem solving includes four phases plus a reporting phase. Phase 1: Decoding of the problem; comprehension of the problem. Phase 2: Selection of a likely hypothesis on which to act in order to arrive at solution.
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Jerome Kagan (1966) studied this question.
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