Gender dynamics in youth gangs: A comparison of males' and females' accounts

Based on interviews with 58 gang members in St. Louis, this paper compares males' and females' perspectives on the gender dynamics in street gangs. Feminist scholars have long criticized traditional gang scholarship for its reliance on male gang members to gain information about young women. We suggest that it is useful to revisit what male gang members say about gender dynamics in youth gangs because these accounts provide insights into the normative features of these groups. Research has consistently shown that gangs are largely male-dominated in structure, status hierarchies, and activities. Research in other male-dominated settings—for instance, fraternities, athletics, and the military—has shown the importance of examining peer and organizational dynamics in shaping the treatment of women. We argue that insights into young men's accounts of gender provide important information for understanding more clearly the milieu in which young women in gangs must negotiate. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 1998 meetings of the American Society of Criminology, held in Washington DC. Thanks to Norm White for his feedback throughout the writing process, to Elizabeth Deschenes for comments on an earlier draft, to Niquita Vinyard for assistance with data collection, and to the anonymous reviewers at JQ for their comments on an earlier draft. The research on which this article is based was funded by National Institute of Justice Grant 95-1642394, the University of Missouri Research Board, and the University of Missouri-St. Louis Research Award program. Opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the funding agencies. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 1998 meetings of the American Society of Criminology, held in Washington DC. Thanks to Norm White for his feedback throughout the writing process, to Elizabeth Deschenes for comments on an earlier draft, to Niquita Vinyard for assistance with data collection, and to the anonymous reviewers at JQ for their comments on an earlier draft. The research on which this article is based was funded by National Institute of Justice Grant 95-1642394, the University of Missouri Research Board, and the University of Missouri-St. Louis Research Award program. Opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the funding agencies. Notes An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 1998 meetings of the American Society of Criminology, held in Washington DC. Thanks to Norm White for his feedback throughout the writing process, to Elizabeth Deschenes for comments on an earlier draft, to Niquita Vinyard for assistance with data collection, and to the anonymous reviewers at JQ for their comments on an earlier draft. The research on which this article is based was funded by National Institute of Justice Grant 95-1642394, the University of Missouri Research Board, and the University of Missouri-St. Louis Research Award program. Opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the funding agencies.