Movement asymmetries in Ngemba possessor constructions reveal Anti-locality in the nominal domain

In Bamileke Ngemba, lexical and pronominal possessors behave differently with respect to DP-internal focus. While the latter can be focused, hence surface in a position where they precede the head noun, the former cannot. I argue that the Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC) and Spec-to-Spec Anti-locality (Erlewine 2016) conspire to block lexical possessor movement to the focus position. The analysis, overall, provides empirical evidence that Anti-locality also restricts Ā-movement from within the nominal domain and, if on the right track, strengthens the view that DPs and CPs are parallel in many respects (see, i.a., Szabolcsi 1981; Koopman 2008).