Being modern in China: A Western cultural analysis of modernity, tradition and schooling in China today By PaulWillis, Cambridge: Polity Press. 2019. 240 pp. $24.95 (Paperback).

In 2013, Paul Willis's book Learning to Labour was translated into Mandarin and released in China. Around the same time, he decided to teach at Beijing Normal University from 2014 to 2017. He was surprised by China's fast modernization, distinct from England and the West. While China was rapidly developing new urban areas and experiencing internal migration from rural to urban regions for a better life, it also held onto traditional practices like the Gaokao entrance examination. This contrast prompted him to explore how China's modernity differed from that of the West, leading to his book "Being Modern in China: A Western Cultural Analysis of Modernity, Tradition, and Schooling in China." In this book, Willis thoroughly examines the interaction between Chinese modernity, tradition, and schooling through cultural analysis with ethnographic data, providing insights into day-to-day life, calling it "cultural modernity from below." This means looking at progress not just from the perspective of elites but from everyday experiences. He introduces the idea of a "new symbolic order," which constitutes a wide pool of resources and symbols which provide material and context for local and situated practices of "meaning-making." Willis contrasts this with the "material order" of society, viewing it through a cultural and sociological lens. This engaging ethnographic study of young students and their views on "being modern" is explored in 13 chapters, reflecting Willis's experiences in China while teaching at Beijing Normal University. The book is organized into four parts, each corresponding to Willis's ethnographic visits to different locations: a Beijing suburb, a migrant school in Beijing, and a rural town in the mountains, some distance from the city. The second most significant source of data comes from retro-ethnographic assignments completed by students as part of their coursework. Other data sources include social media content, Chinese propaganda material, and various print and broadcast media. This diverse range of data provides a comprehensive look at how young people in China perceive modernity and adapt to the rapidly changing cultural landscape. In Part 1, Willis argues that China's modernity is marked by a "new symbolic order." He identifies three drivers of cultural change—"arrows of modernity"—which include the glorification of the city, consumerism, and fixation with smartphones and the Internet. The Chinese view development through the lens of the city, seeing it as a symbol of modernity and a pathway to a better life. For rural–urban migrants, the city represents an escape from the rural past and from superstitions, misery, poverty, and humiliation. "The city is modern, and modernity is good, so the city is good." Essentially, the "Chinese Dream" revolves around the city. The second arrow of modernity is "consuming" modernity through the production of modern self-smartphone cameras as tools. Willis argues that Chinese consumerism has a unique tendency to engage in consumption without actual purchasing, facilitated by the Internet. This is exemplified by young people taking photographs at IKEA without buying items, emphasizing a virtual possession. Smartphones are essential for self-presentation on social media, shaping a modern self-image. The third arrow of change, the Internet in China, means access to new worlds, creating new aspirations and tools to curate as modern. The Internet allows Chinese people at all levels of society to move from the countryside to the city virtually, if not physically. In Part 2, Willis explores schooling in China and the Gaokao regime, discussing the interaction between the new symbolic order and the Gaokao University entrance examination. The Gaokao examination is seen as a gateway to upward mobility, prestige, and access to city life. However, systemic barriers, such as the Hukou housing registration system, hinder migrant workers' children from taking the examination. Strict discipline and rote learning are required to pass the Gaokao examination. Those who pass it, known as G-Routers or Conformists, adhere to college rules and teacher morality. Non-G Routers or Non-Conformists reject these rules and don't aim for the Gaokao. G-Routers pursue university education for a path to urban life and modernity, while non-G Routers opt for alternative routes such as manual labor. They engage in Internet consumption and fashion trends, embracing a counter-school culture dubbed "Netsumers." G-Routers focus on future prospects ("me-2"), while non-G Routers prioritize present consumption ("me-1"). In Part 3, students share their Gaokao experiences of passing and not passing the examination through retro-ethnographic accounts as part of their assignment. Willis presents an unfiltered view of the Gaokao regime, highlighting issues like disassociation and disorientation among rural students. He discusses strategies employed by G-routers and non-G-routers, including shadow education and extracurricular activities. In Part 4, Willis delves into the story of Dorothy, a successful G-router who navigates complex relationships between conformists and non-conformists. He explores the balance between teacher and student morality. Willis also discusses young migrant students as "city strivers" more aligned with Tradition A, which is a book-based history, distancing themselves from Tradition B, which is practiced history. He concludes with the following sentence: "It is time to recognize the different orders of experience everywhere." Being Modern is a great book of ethnographic writing that combines students' reflections with sociological theories in a poetic way. It helps both general readers and specialists understand education, modernity, and their interrelation in China. However, there are a few contextual limitations; writing mainly talks about the symbolic aspects of the Gaokao system, ignoring its material aspects. Young students take the Gaokao examination not only to have a better life in the city but also to get good jobs and improve their living conditions. The book also does not discuss city living conditions in detail, nor does it explore the modern experiences of second-generation migrant students and other urban residents. For instance, it does not mention how Dorothy, with her social and economic capital, has better educational opportunities compared with other migrant students. In conclusion, this book not only enhances understanding of China's modernity and educational culture but also helps to shed light on similar university entrance examinations like India's IIT-JEE and their impact on young students' perceptions of modernity. Being Modern is a valuable contribution to the sociology of education, comparative education, South Asian studies, youth studies, and aspirations studies in the context of neoliberalism. Shankar Gugoloth is a doctoral student in the Department of Liberal Arts at IIT Hyderabad, Telangana, India.