Deep-structure binding of pronouns and anaphoric bleeding

Two syntactic processes in Japanese and English which involve deep-structure binding of pronouns, namely relativization and thematization, can interfere with the operation of later cyclic or postcyclic rules of pronominalization in a relationship we refer to as ‘anaphoric bleeding’. This shows that the anaphoric relations which hold between NP's within a clause are not only a result of the internal syntactic structure of the clause, but also the result of the external grammatical function of the clause as a whole within the larger containing sentence. We show, furthermore, that some phenomena associated with deep-structure binding invalidate the approach to relativization inherent in Perlmutter's ‘shadow pronoun’ hypothesis and Schachter's ‘promotion’ theory.