C-T inheritance and relativization in Late Archaic Chinese

This paper proposes an analysis of the subject/non-subject relativization asymmetry in Late Archaic Chinese (LAC). The primary focus is the non-subject relativization marker 所 suǒ, which surfaces between the subject and the VP within the relative clause. This marker does not appear in subject relative clauses. I propose that the difference between subject and non-subject relatives in LAC is in the number of projections in the C/TP layer. If only the subject undergoes movement, it targets the specifier of an amalgamated C/T head. In other words, C-T Inheritance does not take place. This is the case in unmarked declarative clauses and also in subject relative clauses. But if both the subject and a non-subject undergo movement, then Inheritance takes place, the subject moving to [Spec, TP] and the other constituent moving to [Spec, CP]. This is the situation in non-subject relative clauses, since both the subject and an operator must undergo movement. In order to account for the appearance of the marker SUO in non-subject relative clauses, I propose that this morpheme is spelled out on T which has separated from C, in other words the T which has been inherited from C/T. In this way, my analysis accounts for the position of SUO and also the fact that it surfaces in non-subject but not subject relative clauses.