Garner's book explores a paradox – how seemingly Westernized, Hollywood-loving, and carefree teens turn into online fascists, as the revanchism, paranoia, and aggression come to the fore (p. 9) in Russia – by tracing how the state gradually taught youth to ‘speak a language of violence – a language of Russian fascism’ (p. 3). Acknowledging this is not an academic study, Garner positions the book as ‘a catalogue of thoughts, opinions, and reflections on the turning point’ at the beginning of the Russian aggression against Ukraine, and ‘a call to action for citizens … who are seeing many of the same dangerous identity-forming processes unfold in their own societies’ (p. 27). Beside a solid list of academic and journalistic sources, the book is based on the author's remote interviews conducted in 2022 with his previous contacts among the Russian youth – mostly male, white, and based in Moscow or Saint Petersburg – who were willing to speak (and many, as he described, refused) and his analysis of young Russians’ open social media accounts. Throughout the book, the personal stories of a few characters illustrate how radical political and socio-economic changes in Russia in the last thirty years impacted the aspirations and possibilities of young people. Filled with extensive and vivid descriptions of military parades, Putin's speeches, and examples of online hate-mongering propaganda, the book might become ‘heavy’ at times for unfamiliar readers. Yet, this relentless focus on showing the language of violence and indoctrination reinforces Garner's argument. The book is organized into seven chapters and a conclusion. If you are short of time, reading the first and the last would be enough to grasp Garner's main ideas and warnings for the future. The first chapter analyses what Garner calls ‘Russian fascism’. He argues: ‘“Fascism” for Russians has historically … meant the outside, the bad, the non-Russian’ (p. 12). ‘Russian fascism’ is based on a belief that ‘a sacred Russia is surrounded by enemies bent on its total obliteration’ (p. 3); hence, the mission of the militarized state and society is to wipe out the enemies (within and outside of Russia), reconquer a lost empire, and regenerate Russia (p. 12). Garner argues that despite being contradictory and nonsensical, ‘Russian fascism’ seems omnipresent in the Russian internet culture and the youth is its primary target group (p. 15). ‘The Z Generation, short of opportunities to discover what it means to be “non-Russian,” is growing up militarized and zealous. Isolated from the world, they are told that there is no greater good than to cleanse themselves, their communities, and the world of the state's enemies’ (pp. 26-7). Chapters 2-7 provide a detailed contextualization of the changes in Russia after the fall of the Soviet Union until the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, especially for the young people. After the politically difficult and economically impoverished 1990s, the early 2000s brought a consumerism boom and marked the beginning of the myth of regeneration and regaining the sense of pride in Russia. Garner traces the origins and development of several state-organized and sponsored youth movements – Walking Together, Nashi (Ours), Youth Army, and The Movement of the First. He shows how the state gradually constructed a range of ‘others’ – LGBTQ community, the Caucasians, people with anti-regime views – who needed to be ostracized, pushed to emigrate, or jailed. Garner explains how young Russians who engaged in opposition activities in early 2010s faced arrest, violence, and self-silencing. Simultaneously, in the absence of viable alternatives, the state exploited the youth's yearning to belong by constructing a new identity through online and offline communities based on orthodoxy, militarism, and nationalism. Garner warns: ‘The Z Generation is not here yet. But it's coming. And it's going to be ready for war – online and offline’ (p. 199). The conclusion of the book is arguably the most interesting for readers beyond the Russia-focused experts. Here, Garner asks how to counteract the coming of the Z Generation. Recognizing that forceful counter propaganda of ‘Western values’ will not succeed among those convinced that the West is deceitful and corrupt, Garner joins those who propose to target deeper human emotions of Russians for a decent life, co-existence with neighbours, respect, dignity, care for families, and communities. ‘Young Russians need to rediscover that they can be patriotic without being violent’ (p. 215). Garner points out that Russians don't need to stop being ‘Russian’ to be deradicalized, but this is only possible if we ‘add pluralism back into the Russian mix’ (p. 216). The solution is to find alternative ways to explain to young Russians how they can be valued, respected, and well-paid (as the current propaganda toolbox does) without being aggressive towards the ‘others’. Overall, the book will be useful for specialists and the general public interested in youth cultures, the effects of propaganda, and recent Russian history.
Lidia Kuzemska (Fri,) studied this question.