Abstract This article analyses ditransitive clusters of 3rd-person clitics in the Spanish spoken in Aragon with an apparent double dative morphology. The analysis begins with a geographical description of the phenomenon based on data collected in the Audible Corpus of Spoken Rural Spanish (or Corpus Oral y Sonoro del Español Rural, COSER). Next, the syntactic contexts in which the clusters appear and the types of direct or indirect objects that promote or prevent them in the current data are studied, demonstrating that they date back at least to the 14th century. After comparing them with ditransitive clitic clusters of other Iberorromance varieties, it is concluded that, regardless of the clitics chosen, the distinctions in morphological features obey an areal criterion that separates the central-western area of the Peninsula from the eastern area. After analysing the changes undergone by ditransitive clusters in other Romance varieties, it is concluded that suppletion and opacity are not only characteristics of dative clitics, but also of accusative clitics. Suppletion, both of dative and accusative clitics, always chooses a pronoun that is less specified in morphological features, and when it affects both clitics in the cluster, the one that replaces the accusative always has more inflection than the dative substitute. Furthermore, the development of mechanisms for morphologically marking the plural dative is always conditioned by the prior suppletion of the dative clitic.
Inés Fernández‐Ordóñez (Mon,) studied this question.