The lexical category of [−wh] nominal headless relatives: the case of Mandarin

This paper examines Mandarin nominal headless relatives, with a focus on how they obtain their lexical categories. I argue that Mandarin headless relatives represent a distinct subtype of [−wh] headless relatives, characterized by two key properties: (i) relativization involves movement, akin to their [+wh] counterparts, and (ii) an additional nominalizer is required, distinguishing them from their [+wh] counterparts. Building on the (re)labeling analysis of headless relatives, I propose that, because dislocated null-operators do not move along with their categorial feature [N], Mandarin [−wh] nominal headless relatives obtain their lexical categories through an external nominalizer that supplies the [N] feature. This contrasts with [+wh] nominal headless relatives, where the overtly fronted wh-word directly provides the [N] feature to the headless-relative node. Besides, I explore how the semantic asymmetries between [+wh] and [−wh] nominal headless relatives can be explained under the proposed analysis.