Subliminal Island Effects in Japanese Complex NPs with Argument wh-in-situ

This squib reexamines the status of complex NP islands with argument wh-in-situ in Japanese based on four formal acceptability judgment experiments using a factorial definition of island effects. Contrary to the previous view that complex NP island effects are absent with argument wh-in-situ in Japanese, the results show subliminal island effects with relative clauses and noun complements with wh-in-situ, but not with binding dependencies. The squib refines the definition of subliminal island effects and discusses their theoretical implications.