Cyclic movement and chain resolution in Swahili relative clauses

Swahili relative clauses have three different constructions, characterized by different linear positions of a relative marker. The relative marker follows C, T and the verbal complex in each case. While some previous analyses propose construction-specific operations such as T to C or V to C movement in amba-less relatives, this study shows that the distribution of the relative marker can in fact be derived from a set of independently motivated assumptions without substantial ad-hoc proposals. I argue that the relative marker is an operator that undergoes cyclic A' movement to Spec,CP, and its various linear position results from Landau (2006)’s chain resolution algorithm conditioned by a disyllabic minimality requirement of words in Swahili (Park 1997; Scott 2015).