Based on over 240 firsthand data, this paper provides the first formal analysis of empirical generalizations regarding the suprasegmental adaptation of Japanese loanwords in Isbukun Bunun, an Austronesian language spoken in Taiwan. This study reveals that during the loanword adaptation process, the position of the Japanese accent is entirely disregarded, and stress in Japanese loanwords is generally assigned according to native phonological rules. However, a noteworthy exception is observed: closed syllables, traditionally considered light in native phonology, unexpectedly attract stress in loanwords. Interestingly, closed syllables do not always maintain their heaviness in loanwords and may become light when preceded by a bimoraic syllable. This unexpected weight contribution from the coda suggests that Japanese loanwords do not adhere to the same phonological constraints as native words, and the variation in the weight of closed syllables indicates a flexible ranking between a constraint favoring moraic codas and a constraint penalizing unstressed heavy syllables.
Hui-shan Lin (Sun,) studied this question.