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AbstractThis article aims to explore the problems of democratic governance of the defense and security sectors in Turkey. In recent years, to democratize its civil–military relations, Turkey has successfully dealt with the first-generation problems of making institutional reforms to eliminate the military's intervention in politics. Democratic civil–military relations, however, cannot be achieved only by getting the military out of politics, but also require the elimination of second-generation problems concerning the democratic governance of the defense and security sectors. In this respect, Turkey faces significant challenges related to its ineffective defense policy-making structures, insufficient parliamentary oversight of the defense and security sectors and civil society's very low level of participation in defense and security debates. Turkey needs to make reforms in these problematic areas in order to democratize its civil–military relations. Notes on ContributorUğur Burç Yıldız is Assistant Professor at the Department of International Relations, İzmir University, İzmir, Turkey. He received his MA and PhD in European Studies from İzmir University of Economics and Dokuz Eylül University, respectively. His research interests include EU's foreign policy, democratic consolidation and civil–military relations. He has publications on regional policies of the EU, Turkey–EU relations and Turkish civil–military relations.Notes1. The PKK is a Kurdish nationalist organization which from 1984 to 2013 carried out terror acts against Turkey to establish an independent Kurdistan. It is listed as a terrorist organization by the United Nations, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the EU, and the USA.2. Cottey et al., "Second Generation."3. Cizre, "Politics and Military," 4–8.4. Jenkins, Context and Circumstance, 39.5. Özbudun, Contemporary Turkish Politics, 120–1.6. Desch, Civilian Control, 14–5.7. See Keyman, "Civil-Military Relations in Turkey"; Yıldız, "Avrupa Birliği"; Turhan, "Impact of Internal Threats."8. Cottey et al., "Second Generation," 31–2.9. Harris, "Role of the Military," 183.10. Övür, "Artık Çok Konuşan."11. "İşte Kenan Evren'in Açıklamaları," Sabah Daily, June 6, 2011. Accessed June 17, 2013. http://www.sabah.com.tr/Gundem/2011/06/06/iste-kenan-evrenin-cevaplari.12. "Darbe Yaparken Hep Bu Maddeye Sığındılar!" Milli Gazete Daily, June 27, 2013. Accessed June 28, 2013. http://www.milligazete.com.tr/haber/Darbe_yaparken_hep_bu_maddeye_sigindilar/284546#.Uc1PcfngSgs.13. "TSK'nın O Maddesi Değişecek," Habertürk Daily, October 8, 2012. Accessed June 18, 2013. http://www.haberturk.com/gundem/haber/783480-tsknin-o-maddesi-degisecek-.14. "Deputy PM: TSK Article 35 to be Completely Amended," Haber Vaktim, October 9, 2012. Accessed June 18, 2013. http://www.habervaktim.com/english/17268/deputy-pm-tsk-article-35-to-be-completely-amended.html.15. See "Kılıçdaroğlu: E-muhtırayı Veren Komutana Ne Yaptınız," Radikal Daily, July 23, 2010. Accessed May 22, 2013. http://www.radikal.com.tr/politika/kilicdaroglu_e_muhtirayi_veren_komutana_ne_yaptiniz-1009658; "İşte CHP'nin Manifestosu," Habertürk Daily, April 25, 2013. Accessed May 22, 2013. http://www.haberturk.com/gundem/haber/838856-iste-chpnin-manifestosu.16. European Commission, "Turkey 2012," 13.17. Cottey et al., "Second Generation," 41.18. In February 2013, the four political parties represented in parliament, the ruling AKP, the CHP, the Nationalist Movement Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi), and the Peace and Democracy Party (Barış ve Demokrasi Partisi), have reached an agreement in the Constitutional Reconciliation Commission (CRC), which was established in the parliament to prepare a new constitution, to connect the General Staff to the MoND in the new constitution, see "Parties Agree to Subordinate General Staff to Defense Ministry," Zaman Daily, February 22, 2013. Accessed May 29, 2013. http://www.zaman.com.tr/todays_parties-agree-to-subordinate-general-staff-to-defense-ministry_2056886.html. Considering that some political parties made independent attempts in the past to connect the General Staff to the MoND, the consensus that the current parliamentary parties have reached in the CRC is a very significant step.19. Cizre-Sakallıoğlu, "The Anatomy," 159.20. Ünsaldı, Türkiye'de Asker, 14.21. Pion-Berlin, "Defense Organization," 567.22. Ibid.23. Ibid.24. Born et al., Parliamentary Oversight, 19.25. Ibid., 20.26. Karaosmanoğlu, Silahlı Kuvvetler, 16.27. Akay, Security Sector, 12.28. Ibid., 15.29. Ibid., 16.30. Kemal, Zayıf Kalan, 16.31. Ibid., 15–6.32. Cottey et al., "Second Generation," 47.33. Tosun, "Civil-Society," 187.34. In this context, significant improvements were achieved with the adoption of the second, third, and seventh harmonization packages. In addition, in July 2004, entirely new and more liberal law was adopted on associations (Law No. 5231). For details of these reforms, see Hale and Özbudun, Islamism.35. As the EU indicated in its 2012 progress report for Turkey, civil society organizations continued to face fines, closure proceedings, and administrative obstacles to their operation. Equally important, the EU, in the same report, emphasized the need to revise the law on demonstrations and meetings, to investigate allegations against members of the security forces for use of excessive force and to prosecute where appropriate (European Commission, "Turkey 2012," 22–3).36. Ensaroğlu, "Türkiye'de Sivil Toplum," 15.37. Ibid., 21; Ensaroğlu, "Sivil Toplumun," 61.38. The military, which thought that the secularism was at the target of political Islamists, dictated some decisions to the Welfare Party (Refah Partisi) and True Path Party (Doğru Yol Partisi, DYP) coalition government (Refahyol government) in the MGK meeting on February 28, 1997. Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan's making no move to implement the decisions taken in the February 28 meeting after two MGK meetings caused the military to take a tougher line. In this respect, the military which did not want to overthrow the government with a direct intervention, started to organize contact meetings and briefings to explain the danger of political Islam in Turkey. Consequently, Erbakan resigned and wished to transfer Prime Ministry to his partner Tansu Çiller to gain time. However, this attempt encountered President Süleyman Demirel obstacle. Demirel, in order to end the Refahyol government, commissioned Mesut Yılmaz, leader of the Motherland Party (Anavatan Partisi) to form the government, instead of assigning DYP leader Çiller, who had more chairs in the parliament. Thus, a government, legitimately acceded to power after elections, was repealed. This period is called 28 February process in Turkish political history.39. Taraf is a liberal newspaper in Turkey. Shortly after its foundation in November 2007, it has distinguished itself from other newspapers in Turkey by opposing the military's political intervention. Zaman, founded in 1986, is the most popular newspaper of the supporters of the Fethullah Gülen movement, the powerful religious and social movement in Turkey. It is printed in 11 countries and distributed in 35 countries. Yenişafak, founded in 1994, is a conservative newspaper and supports the AKP.40. İnceoğlu, "Medya-Kamuoyu," 15, 24.
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