Gentrification and Integration

How should the injustices associated with the enduring segregation of Black Americans be addressed? In contemporary debates about racial justice, there are two broad answers to this question. “New integrationists” argue that integration is necessary for remedying racial inequalities.1 “Egalitarian pluralists” instead argue that we should promote strategies that seek to improve the material condition of Black Americans without integration.2 Political philosophers have also recently begun to examine an apparently unrelated phenomenon: gentrification. According to its critics, gentrification may undermine social equality, violate residents' occupancy rights, subject residents to domination, impede valuable forms of democratic communication and/or impinge upon self-respect.3 But so far—with some important exceptions that I discuss below—political theorists have not examined the relationship between gentrification and integration in much depth. This article explores how racialised contexts of gentrification relate to and can shed light on the debate between new integrationists and egalitarian pluralists. I take as my focal point the debate between Elizabeth Anderson and Tommie Shelby.4 I examine three arguments for residential integration that Anderson makes: the opportunity argument, the epistemic-democratic argument, and the relational-democratic argument. I argue that racialised contexts of gentrification reveal some important limits to each argument for integration. But the upshot of my argument is not that we should abandon integration in favour of egalitarian pluralism. Rather, my suggestion is that examining racialised contexts of gentrification gives us a better understanding of the conditions under which residential integration can—and cannot—promote racial justice. My argument leaves open space for a modified defence of integration that takes these conditions into account. Ultimately, however, I suggest that such a modified defence of integration faces some important challenges of its own. This article's second aim is to contribute to the emerging literature on gentrification in political philosophy by examining its racial dynamics. By analysing the racial dynamics of gentrification, I bring to light some features of gentrification beyond residential displacement—in particular, the dynamics of social interaction in gentrifying neighbourhoods—which are relevant to its moral evaluation. My argument also responds to some recent arguments made by Andrew Pierce and Hwa Young Kim and Andrew Walton to the effect that gentrification's benefits can be harnessed, and its burdens can be limited, for the project of integration.5 My focus in this article is primarily on residential integration, though I do also discuss its relationship to other forms of integration at points. Residential integration is usually taken to be a central component—and often the central component—of the broader project of racial integration, because of the central role that residential segregation has played in reproducing patterns of racial inequality. And, as we gentrification on residential integration. I the integration debate and gentrification's to that I examine the three arguments for integration in with and some limits to arguments by racialised contexts of gentrification. I on the of my argument for the integration and for some recent arguments about gentrification's Residential segregation has played an important role in and and the racial in of social and have patterns of residential segregation between Black and patterns with in three Black residents in a as and have residential segregation has played a central role in the between Black and Americans in and Black Americans to and as of an debate between new integrationists and egalitarian is a debate about how to to these Anderson and each of how of racial should to which have the of the contemporary debate integration in political This contemporary debate is an of a broader of debates Black political Black Americans should to debates have a and have in Black of Black and of Black of on and of these of Black can be to a defence of integration egalitarian each is an important of the of the contemporary debate between new integrationists and egalitarian to the contemporary debate that is that the that and patterns of residential segregation racial should be for by and that Black Americans This be to residential with the of the racial in to residential segregation to a in the is and forms of such as patterns of residential that the of in to an important role in patterns of residential But that of and the racial injustices associated with new integrationists and egalitarian as a necessary not a to racial new integrationists and egalitarian about how segregation should be new that the residential integration of Black and as that promote the of Black Americans into a of Anderson three arguments for residential integration. is the opportunity argument, which that residential integration has an role in remedying Black by material is the epistemic-democratic argument, which that residential integration is a central of the of democratic to racial inequality. is the relational-democratic argument, which that a the conditions of social that are of the democratic the that residential integration is an of justice. that should not residential integration as a for the the racial residential integration. that on residential integration the of racial Black Black Americans into are to racial and the burdens of in as Anderson on be to such burdens as a of also that residential integration can Black Americans such as and that can be in with a Black the is an important of an of to racial and is a for Black residential My suggestion is that we can in this debate by examining racialised contexts of gentrification. dynamics of gentrification some limits to arguments that have made for residential integration. But is important to the relationship between the debates integration and gentrification. is gentrification, and has to do with racial segregation and is a of and that as by the are into by the an of residents into are some about the of the in the about gentrification the of and about to in the central can to other such as But for we not much about these This is because the of gentrification that I in take in residential in the central so in this because not be a necessary of gentrification for my to the in this gentrification is not a racialised however, I focus on of gentrification that into Black because such are relevant for the integration often has some racialised and in gentrifying to be But gentrification not these racial dynamics. In often Black and which is with on the role of in is to however, that gentrification in Black is racial dynamics of gentrification also on gentrification in and on gentrification the Black in Black for a of about racial that I do not is important to in that the of gentrification that I focus on a an relevant and a of gentrification. In of gentrification that do these is to understanding how the that an important role in the of that are in are and often which and how to Black Americans that to also an important role in the of with the of a to a to and on of the racial of space to the of racialised of that Black are often as of and a to the of such and to as open for and the of to the in the and which gentrification is also as an of a that the of the central for the is not an of in which into Black a central of the in which and is racialised of gentrification are relevant to the integration debate because in of residential integration. racialised of gentrification in which a of Black and Americans by at in the to In the some do as to to of residential integration Black Americans of Black and into In racialised of gentrification, the in Americans into Black of gentrification an for the integration By examining the dynamics of gentrification in racialised we can bring to light some of the of residential integration, as as which of its benefits are apparently contexts for remedying racial to racialised of gentrification us to the limits of the for residential integration. aim of this is not to undermine the for integration in Rather, is to some that can in the of integration and to some in which integration in some racial at the understanding of the moral of gentrification. In understanding racialised contexts of gentrification as of residential integration, I a understanding of residential integration as a of that of social to each other in the But of of integration are to point that to much with the that I in racialised contexts of gentrification, may suggest that conditions be that integration of for a of in a to as a of integration. This is a though its which I examine in of is at in my argument is a better understanding of how we should integration as a political is not that gentrification is a of integration, such that that in gentrifying on the project of integration Rather, the is that by to light the that in the of gentrification, we can a better understanding of the conditions under which residential integration can—and cannot—promote racial justice. better understanding of these conditions is we are to a of integration, to the of residential integration and to such a can as an political in the to racial justice. the however, is important to a understanding of residential integration, to which is a of that of social to each other in the This us to the conditions under which residential integration can promote the of racial justice, without by the that that conditions as of residential integration. conditions may in a broader of the political of integration. may be that residential integration is valuable for the of racial under But conditions should be an that takes a of residential integration as its that as of the of residential integration. Andrew Pierce and Hwa Young Kim and Andrew Walton have also recently examined the relationship between gentrification and integration, the that I take Pierce and Kim and Walton in gentrification the to some of the associated with to residential integration, not Black Americans to the burdens associated with into Pierce that gentrification's can be such as can the benefits of residential integration without some of the to which egalitarian Kim and Walton argue that into as and and social without burdens the I to and Kim and of the relationship between gentrification and integration the to that and Kim and are to how an of gentrification be to racial integration, my focus is on of gentrification us about the and of residential integration in the central argument for residential integration is that an important role in racial by for Black argument a of the that Black and a about the role of residential integration in remedying that is that Black is of social such as opportunity and that residential segregation Black by Black Americans the of social that and the for the of also that residential segregation by between Black and This that to racial and patterns of in a is that integration Black in two that residential integration an important role in material opportunity for Black Americans by and the of and social that between Black and Americans to on the to which interaction under by the of the and by on Anderson takes to racial segregation is the to that racial integration is the But the between the two is not a necessary and that we integration to the by its in My suggestion is that racialised of gentrification the limits of without us to racialised of gentrification us to that for gentrification are often the of social that Anderson takes to be central in reproducing Black But racialised of gentrification also the limits of the two in which Anderson that integration Black the argument that residential integration material opportunity for Black is on with its that for the and/or with social that But in the relationship between gentrification and opportunity is much this and this light on the limits of the opportunity argument for integration. of this the and that a social in between of social to for the to this argument on the that us to social as a to be for and in an But such can be gentrification that its are the for this is in the of gentrification, with that social that to for the and argument that by social with each in gentrifying residents and residents not to these of to gentrification that residential integration not to material opportunity In the may be because gentrification can undermine social and upon which the can of this argument to and better such as and as of the material condition of the the the of gentrification bring some important material benefits to a In some can social to in may also be though is not that residents residents the and as the of Black in gentrifying may to the and of and the for Black there are material that gentrification, are on that of benefits have by and other on the other do not in of these This is not to that the do not at benefits of gentrification are the contexts of gentrification also some on the that integration to In such often and between Black and on gentrification in Black that between social is often at and that at and the of of social gentrification to the of in which Black are and made to Black in these contexts to the of that Anderson at in the to some limits of the of residential integration for remedying Black material for the Black the to the of social and are the benefits of are the the of social interaction are to we should not residential integration to these also to for some egalitarian about residential integration, such as that new integrationists the of Black residents with residents and to the that But these do not undermine the argument for residential racial integration is that is to be integration in that these second argument for residential integration is the epistemic-democratic argument, to which integration an role in the of democratic that is necessary for racial justice. other of that to the of social us to social because of the that and to the that social have to is a of this to the of political made on the of this Anderson that integration these of segregation Americans to the of Black the that has of that is and racial Anderson that racial and and that and in In to and the of Black forms of between and the of that to be to Anderson is to suggest that democratic can as for But we should a of the of democratic this forms of which take in and are by each a broader should be in of this broader this of democratic communication in we can examine two in which racialised of gentrification reveal the limits of argument. gentrification that Anderson the role that Black residential in the of social Anderson the of as a social are and of of has taken social and and for for the of of social and for and to be I have that gentrification can impede these forms of democratic residents and/or the social and residents In these forms of communication that are valuable an epistemic-democratic point of can be in gentrifying as Anderson a of this point in to defence of on that racial with a of the and that can to of which to and of is that on a understanding of the relationship between and of a to a of and that in to the of is that the of the the of that we to that a to a of may may not be of of this do not to this But this not that an epistemic-democratic defence of some forms of be is social that is the of relevant on the of we is the that communication can an important role in social to and for understanding has democratic communication and for that for the of social and the of that can and that we should of integration to for social and that are primarily not for the of that to In racialised of gentrification, such are often and this is to the of the epistemic-democratic of the in which are Anderson is also that communication has an important epistemic-democratic But gentrification that residential racial integration not bring about forms of there in an in in gentrifying that not usually forms of democratic in gentrifying to social with of the social for the social of which that social by in forms of there is communication between of social in gentrifying to social so that residents and as a of with in not to forms of is to instead other in the to has also recently that democratic communication not that some can as between social which leaves open space for some to in with a Black may be to interaction in which are to and without by that to in and in we can that communication an important epistemic-democratic role in racial justice, without that this residential integration. of this that residential integration to valuable forms of democratic that undermine valuable forms of democratic But suggest that the epistemic-democratic argument has an relationship to residential integration. argument for integration is the relational-democratic argument, to which an can the conditions of social by the democratic the of is of and social the of But the egalitarian not that of and other to open to under conditions of of and to that are with the are under conditions of to and to Anderson that should be to be of of social on of This argument not on the that racial should be in and Anderson is to that of social the of that argument not political to that with and that not about the of relational-democratic argument primarily role integration, residential integration. But residential integration is in argument. that Americans in are to be by This that that to a and democratic of Anderson is that social us to such as the in the of and the of to racialised there are to that under conditions of this that Black Americans be in the opportunity to for But racialised of gentrification us to that the between residential and role integration is Anderson racialised of gentrification that not a by we have gentrification in Black forms of that are at and at which do to these that residential integration in such contexts racial on we have to that political be to an by of gentrification suggest that residential integration not bring the of into with the of social gentrification can undermine of for Black Americans to political Black Americans in gentrifying at the as to in gentrifying Black political and This that the forms of political that Black Americans which may of that racialised may be in some contexts of residential integration. racialised of gentrification also us to that the of be with social equality, and so on of the of that social is with the of by is by and in in the of Young a of social that the and of some forms of social of social is a of have as of In the of debates about residential segregation and integration, Young for an to integration that this the of social is is by by This of social is by the of the that in racialised contexts of gentrification. in gentrifying to to because of the that gentrification social and and social of in gentrifying in racialised is that the of residents with social and can to Black may to social and because of the of residents because of the in which the and of the of social can us to of these by to the that of the that gentrification is is because of the in which the of of social to social of this gives us an to the of social that egalitarian Young and This is not a to of social But racialised contexts of gentrification that Anderson take this of social the contexts of gentrification an for the limits of arguments for residential integration. have that three arguments for residential opportunity argument, the epistemic-democratic argument, and the relational-democratic some limits in racialised contexts of gentrification. important limits can be the residential are interaction on of inequality. In racialised contexts of gentrification, between and Black residents is often and there is to social This can the of integration in that the and of residential integration are limited, that the of democratic communication between social is limited, and that by political by racial residential are its benefits are to the gentrification can bring important benefits to the that such as and benefits not to Black that are as benefits by may be to the of Black there are material benefits to be in gentrification, the that are to the may undermine the of integration. residential are with racial contexts of gentrification that there are important that are by the for racial in Black may of that important and can be of for Black the epistemic-democratic of and the of political that do not to a defence of egalitarian pluralism. do some for some made by egalitarian and so egalitarian that is by But I have not examined the that egalitarian promote as to integration have a and that to be in light of do these us to integration In of integration can on this to a of integration that these integrationists are to to these by the forms of integration that residential integration under and this point we can a in which of a by of a racial is and with a of of a racial to and so of integration is to such a as an to racial a Anderson is of the limits of residential integration. In to some of the about the of some of residential integration, that integration is and of which is to the benefits of that also the of social that that we should to in contexts of social interaction such as and new integrationists Anderson can that my that residential integration can not a of by racialised of gentrification. But this not integration because at a of conditions that be for integration to be a in the for racial justice. is open to new integrationists to argue that integration residential integration in and that conditions to be for integration to be of the point of the has to us to a of integration that can the that in racialised contexts of gentrification. My of racialised of gentrification that conditions should that integration should on of at equality, the the and for racial is for new integrationists to a of integration that conditions such as But this also at a My suggestion is that there is a for new integrationists in of how much into the of integration. the new integrationists a of integration that an in the of and Black residents in the that we in racialised contexts of gentrification as for the of integration But on the other a of integration that new integrationists two other second of these I also recent arguments that have made to the effect that gentrification's benefits can be harnessed, and its burdens limited, for the project of racial integration. these is to to a of integration that is to limits of the that are by racialised of gentrification. has a of integration that the between the of racial and the by Black Americans in the of integration at its that integration is an of justice, that we should as an of of integration should on a of integration that is a on the of a of and to into the of Black and be with racial Black Americans in the of these at to Black Americans are under to in integration. This of integration the that residential integration in racialised contexts of gentrification. that in racialised contexts of gentrification not the project of integration, because racialised contexts of integration not as of integration in this on the of Americans that is necessary for integration the forms of social interaction that we in racialised contexts of gentrification. that as for integration of integration its benefits are by the the space for racial that be forms of integration that the that can be by some forms of Black residential This of integration also a for recent to gentrification in of its and Kim and arguments about the relationship between integration and gentrification on this of integration. Pierce on to argue that integration not be with the forms of racial by such as Young and Kim and Walton two the of and the of the project of are to that integration on of social and its benefits are not to the a of integration, Pierce and Kim and gentrification the in contexts of gentrification. My argument that racialised contexts of gentrification reveal some limits to the for integration not that these to the benefits of gentrification are But there are two challenges by this of integration. is that this of integration new egalitarian pluralism. of gentrification that some forms of racial and Black residential can be for because of epistemic-democratic benefits because of the benefits of the of integration may defence of integration in to take of this of the features of of integration is that space for racial and Black residential Anderson suggest that integration is not with some forms of racial and Black residential defence of residential integration is But the of integration of integration, and in to for such as the bring new to egalitarian pluralism. of racial and Black residential is of the by egalitarian the that integration be a in the for racial justice, of integration of the of egalitarian pluralists. integration is to be a political new integrationists much to egalitarian pluralists. there is a at a the that are may to be a defence of integration at some of integration, this may not be are to the of not this of integration an as a there is a to the of integrationists in for to be a defence of integration. some may not be about But at some new that integration is with Black residential be that this of integration integration at the of of its egalitarian pluralism. second is a which the role that integration is to in racial This is that this of integration may the social conditions that is to racial in the is in a by has in which for Black Americans are by Americans as and challenges to of political of the of in its in its aim of these social conditions without on Black is social conditions that to of integration this of integration as a is about the for its that of integration be in a that is to racial justice. Americans and the of and are to be in a that is to racial But at the the aim of the project of integration is to the social conditions in which racial can be of integration faces a that as and be this not that this of integration is may be some contexts that for its a of integration be in the of a and to racial This is for integration on of defence of integration is that is in a of as has this that Anderson to take of residential integration that do not for social conditions under which are that is that conditions such as are to the of In of gentrification in Black may be of residential integration. with to such as to be into of the of residential integration for remedying racial there is a that new integrationists are a as of the that residential integration can to racial justice. with not to much into the of integration, at the of the of defence of integration. to and Kim and arguments about the of gentrification. forms of gentrification that the and of social also for on the social conditions that are to for gentrification to its the of gentrification's can be in this we should be that social Black in the of Pierce the that Black is about the for interaction on between that gentrification has the to forms of because have for and that to be an of in which the benefits by the with this is that for we have with in which forms of social that undermine gentrification is to for forms of that to take in conditions in which social between and Black has at to a of gentrification that Kim and Walton which for residents to that to and a in integration the that is that of the features of gentrification. Kim and Walton point that some of do not are in that there are as and can such that integration is in with this is not that these to so that not the features of gentrification. is that the social conditions in which such can be which the of the are and are the that the project of integration is to social conditions are in we have to be that strategies for the of gentrification not of this that the that Pierce and Kim and Walton are that gentrification can be to promote forms of integration. should not be be that integration can be on in some But should a of should not that gentrification can be for the project of racial integration, and not for racial integration that on In gentrification often forms of social benefits that are to the and the of of racial project of integration should be to these and should seek to In the of a and to racial equality, there is a that to promote integration forms of the of the this us to the integration of gentrification have some that can in the of residential integration. Residential for remedying racial are on of its benefits are to the and with racial But this is not a argument integration. of integration can a of integration, to which integration in to these In however, two integration as a political egalitarian pluralism. integration to the role that is to in racial