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Southern Methodist UniversityTwo experiments investigated the effects of (participating in allocationdecision making by expressing one's own opinion about the preferred alloca-tion) on responses to an inequitable allocation. In addition to subjects' (femalecollege students) either having or not having voice, Experiment 1 manipulated(a) whether the allocation made by a maker (supposedly anothersubject but actually the experimenter) was or was not biased (due to self-interest) and (b) whether the subject did or did not learn that a co-workerbelieved the allocation to be inequitable. Experiment 2 (with female high schoolstudents) manipulated the presence or absence of voice and involved only aself-interested decision maker; also, a note from a co-worker either supportedthe decision maker's allocation or confirmed the subject's opinion that the allo-cation was inequitable. In both experiments, the impact of voice was mediatedby knowledge about the co-worker's opinion. When subjects had no knowledgeof the co-worker's opinion (Experiment 1) or knew that the co-worker's opinioncoincided with the decision maker's allocation (Experiment 2), there was evi-dence for a process effect: Voice subjects expressed greater satisfactionthan those with no voice.How do people know that they have beentreated fairly? According to equity theory(Adams, 1965; Walster, Berscheid, & Wal-ster, 1973), a distribution of outcomes is con-sidered fair (equitable) if the ratio of out-comes to inputs is constant across people.Apart from considerations of equity, however,fairness judgments may also be affected bywhether a distribution is the result of an ac-ceptable decision-making procedure (see thedistinction between distributive and proce-dural justice in Folger, 1977; Leventhal,1976; and Thibaut & Walker, 1975). Deutsch(1975), in discussing how injustice of deci-sion-making procedures affects the percep-tion of justice, makes the following argument:There is much social psychological research
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Folger et al. (1979) studied this question.
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