Organized Labor in Postcommunist States: Will the Western Sun Set on It, Too?

Labor emerged as a potent political force as Communist regimes began to disintegrate. Its strength was most obvious in Poland, but throughout eastern Europe and the former USSR workers' organizations were part of the vanguard pushing for democracy, economic liberalization, and national sovereignty. Trade unions, both old and new, were significant components of a nascent civil society and appeared wellpoised to influence the shape of the postcommunist order. Przeworski, for example, placed them at the center of the postcommunist transformation, contending that they would have to be beaten or tamed as politicians juggled the demands of simultaneous political and economic reform.1 The hopes (or fears) placed on labor movements in the immediate wake of Communist collapse now seem strangely misplaced. A cursory glance reveals that organized labor is a shadow of what it was. Perhaps Przeworski's advice was heeded well: labor has been skilfully coopted or cuckolded by the new political authorities, many of them labor's erstwhile allies. Yet, with few isolated exceptions, labor unions retreated with hardly a whimper, despite the introduction of reforms that threaten the basic interests of their members. Organized labor's predicament, however, could be of cardinal significance for the future of reforms. Drawing upon the experience of western countries, many have noted that, paradoxically perhaps, a strong labor movement contributes to the governability of society and success of economic readjustment programs.2 Unions used their muscle to help hammer out a consensus on economic policy and could then use their power to ensure social peace. Unions are unlikely to act similarly in postcommunist countries, and the long-term prospects for reform could be harmed. While some have attempted to account for the weakness of labor in the postcommunist period, they implicitly assume that labor's weakness is only temporary and that one day it will reemerge as an important political actor. I argue, however, that the sun has set on labor's political power. It is worth noting that the predominant trend in analyses of western trade unions emphasizes labor's secular decline. Might it be possible that, as eastern Europe moves to the market and begins to look more like western Europe, labor will suffer perhaps even a knockout blow? Are the same processes that contribute to labor's decline in the West emerging in the East? If so,