In this paper, I explore the syntax of two quirky Albanian subject constructions, both containing a dative experiencer that surfaces in subject position and behaves like a subject even if it does not induce agreement with the verb, along with an object bearing the nominative case, triggering agreement on the verb. The first type of quirky subject construction is characterised by the restriction of verb agreement to the third person, while the second type does not show person restrictions. The partial agreement data discussed here can be accounted for by resorting to the Person-Case Constraint. A split-feature checking analysis is conducted, whereby the person feature is checked separately from the number feature in contexts where a dative and a nominative DP are associated with two different features of a unique single probe (Tense).
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Giuseppina Turano (2024) studied this question.