Note from the Editor: Artificial Intelligence, cyberspace, outer space, and policy—New perspectives on pressing world affairs

Welcome to the March 2024 issue of World Affairs (WAJ)—the first number of this old and very distinguished journal to be published by our new publisher, Wiley. After several months of transition, for this 187th volume of the journal, I am delighted to be working alongside our new Wiley team and I encourage all prospective WAJ authors to take full advantage of the excellent additional services now open to the journal under Wiley production, marketing, and dissemination. Before embarking on my customary summary of the articles in this issue, I want to make a resounding call for more submissions to WAJ as soon as possible in one policy-making area that is daily becoming more critical. In November 2023, Elon Musk warned British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak that artificial intelligence (AI) might well become the “most disruptive force in history.”1 In March 2023, alongside Apple co-founder Steve Wosniak and other tech leaders, Musk penned an open letter2 calling AI labs to pause advanced AI training for six months in a “public and verifiable” manner. In addition to appealing for this time to implement shared safety and rigorous independent oversight protocols, the letter also stressed the need to work with policy makers to “accelerate development of robust AI governance systems.” The six months is now long over and we are still very much playing catch-up in keeping apace with technological advances in terms of policy development. As the first scholarly submissions to WAJ in this area are now arriving on my desk since Musk's letter, it is increasingly clear that offering sound policy advice on AI regulation is of urgent and vital importance. It is also patent that political scientists and policy scholars should be central in giving that advice—and monitoring/assessing how the nascent policies initiated by tech firms and governments develop. I therefore strongly encourage the submission to WAJ (at https://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/waf) of your articles and commentaries (short or extended) in the field of regulating AI, with particular emphasis on practical policy recommendations, as soon as possible. As we shall see later in this issue, enhanced perspective is required for engaging in virtual world affairs and policy making for the cyber realm. It is likewise requisite for the arena of our first article of 2024. I am delighted to present one of the most intriguing articles submitted to WAJ since I became its editor in 2016. It is a piece that offers a powerful, unique set of perspectives on the defense policy, technology, economics, geopolitics, grand strategy, and national security of today and tomorrow (Colucci & Fulmer, 2024). For readers who are not space professionals—that is, almost all of us—Dr. Lamont Colucci3 (Director of Doctrine Development, Space Delta 10) and Col. Jack “Jay” Fulmer II (Commander, Space Delta 10) unpack the importance, roles, and responsibilities of the newest branch of the U.S. military: the United States Space Force (USSF). The authors demonstrate why Space will continue to expand in importance regarding world economics, technology, medicine, and protecting national interests. They also argue we are now at a “pivot” point where “astropolitics” will “increasingly determine geopolitics,” not the other way around. This “essential realization” has not yet registered in either national security policy-making circles or the wider public. Colucci and Fulmer (2024) do an exceptional job of demystifying the USSF and its functions for both policy practitioners and scholars. They also emphasize the need for—and demarcate the beginnings of—a new conceptual framework to meet new geo-(astro-)strategic endeavors. Finally, they seek to ameliorate the challenges that lack of public awareness (or Trekkie-esque quips and trivialization; see Swisher, 2021) about the USSF and its gravity bring to the practice of defending national security in the United States. A highly engaging must-read for every policy scholar and practitioner, this contribution inexorably propels us all into the coming era of extra-terrestrial world affairs—and not a moment too soon! In differing ways, our next two articles are good companion papers to Colucci and Fulmer's (2024) contribution, broadening the discussion beyond the United States and into the realms of international law. In his exploration of how cyberspace operations impact international security, Maesschalk (2024) highlights how international law lags behind technological cyber evolution and identifies the consequences of cyberspace nonregulation. Among other things, he argues that states can and should collaborate to create a functional regulation framework involving “transparency, and a commitment to preserving both security and human rights”—especially regarding cyber terrorist attacks. Remaining with international law, Hulsroj (2024) critically examines how the Permanent Court of International Justice (mis)interpreted the principle of “what is not prohibited is allowed” since the Lotus Judgment of 1927 and he investigates the normative conflict involved in the principle itself. The author discusses examples of where the Lotus principle has been erroneously used when international law is silent and how invoking it continues to threaten the equitable resolution of current international law controversies—including the Outer Space Treaty, space weaponization, space debris management, and climate change issues. One parallel here is that international law is clearly lagging behind as much with questions concerning outer space as Maesschalk shows it is lagging regarding inner (virtual/cyber) space. Nevertheless, like Maesschalk, Hulsroj concludes on a positive note, suggesting a few important first steps for how to move the issue forward. Next, Grosman and Raadschelders (2024) offer an excellent comparative analysis of how the European Union (EU) and the United States have managed the massive refugee migration created as a result of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Their focus is on the overt and covert means both have historically used to limit refugee entry into their territories and how these are being used—to differing degrees and according to the divergent motives most important to the United States and the EU—to contain Ukranian migration. Moving to key issues in African governance, Asongu and others (2024) assess how the governance dynamics of political stability and the rule of law have modulated domestic investment and trade openness on the development of tourism in 47 sub-Saharan African countries. Their findings indicate that simultaneously implementing policies for enhancing domestic investment and promoting the rule of law are likely to lead to more effective tourism development in the region. In a related article, Asongu and Odhiambo (2024) look empirically at the intersection between trade performance and governance in terms of natural resource rents in 44 sub-Saharan African countries. In “Whipsawed by Woori and Washington,” we focus on Asia and the Middle East, where Azad (2024) tackles the challenges faced by recent South Korean presidents in their Middle Eastern foreign policy. The author shows how successive administrations in the Republic of Korea (ROK) have faced difficulties balancing their growing commercial interests in the region (particularly regarding critical oil imports formerly from Iran) with what the United States expects of the ROK in terms of aligning strongly with recent U.S. Middle Eastern policies and interests. The results of this squeeze have, unsurprisingly, not been optimal for South Korea. In his superb extended commentary, Brunello (2024) provides an erudite and very timely examination of what it means to be a republic in the United States today and how this concept has departed from the definition framed and intended by the Founding Fathers. The author relates that, when Benjamin Franklin was asked in 1787 about the results of the Constitutional Convention, he reportedly replied “A republic, if you can keep it!” And Brunello's thoughtful discussion of Trumpism, strongman populism, “anti-wokeism,” and national identity crisis, inter alia, indicates how the United States has risked losing a republic worth keeping of late. The discussion also underlines what needs to be borne most fully in mind to retain a republic Americans can and should “keep.” Momen's (2024) commentary draws from recent discussions on territorial rights (see also Techagaisiyavanit et al., 2023) and focuses on caste discrimination and protecting Dalit rights as some of the most convoluted, challenging problems facing contemporary India. And finally, Greco (2024) offers an involved and very useful book review of Governance for a Sustainable Future: The State of the Art in Japan, edited by Adachi and Usami (2023). I encourage you to submit to WAJ your responses and critiques to the pieces published in this issue as well as your original articles, short or extended commentaries, review essays, and book reviews on issues of importance in today's world affairs—be they terrestrial, extra-terrestrial, or virtual. And I especially underscore the need for publishing more scholarly and practical policy debate concerning equitable and transparent AI regulation in the very near future. The journal's aim is to add to the array of alternative perspectives and stimulate provocative debate on contemporary policy and current affairs. You are, as always, warmly invited to submit your scholarly articles, critical and topical commentaries, review essays, and book reviews to World Affairs at https://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/waf. 欢迎阅读《世界事务》(WAJ)第187卷第一期内容！ 在按照惯例对本期文章进行总结之前，我想强烈呼吁读者尽快就一个日益重要的决策领域向本刊提交更多稿件。2023年11月，埃隆·马斯克警告英国首相里希·苏纳克，人工智能(AI)很可能成为“历史上最具颠覆性的力量”。2023年3月，马斯克与苹果联合创始人Steve Wosniak及其他科技领袖共同写了一封公开信，呼吁人工智能实验室以“公开且可验证”的方式暂停高级人工智能训练六个月。除了呼吁这次实施共享安全程序和严格的独立监督协议外，这封信还强调，需要与决策者合作，以期“加速开发强大的人工智能治理系统”。这六个月已经过去，我们仍在努力追赶政策制定方面的技术进步。 正如开头详述的一样，自马斯克写信以来，我的办公桌上收到了该领域向本刊提交的学术稿件。越来越清楚的是，为人工智能监管提供稳健的政策建议是紧迫且至关重要的。同样显而易见的是，政治科学家和政策学者应该在“提供建议以及监测/评估科技公司和政府发起的新生政策如何发展”方面发挥核心作用。因此，我强烈鼓励您尽快向本刊(https://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/waf)提交您在监管人工智能领域方面的文章和评论文（短文或长文章），特别聚焦于实际的政策建议。 研究虚拟世界事务和网络领域的决策，需要进一步提升视角。这对于我们今年收录的第一篇文章而言同样是必要的。我很高兴向大家介绍自2016年我成为本刊编辑以来收到的最有趣的文章之一——这篇文章提供了关于当前和未来的国防政策、技术、经济、地缘政治、大战略和国家安全的一系列强有力的独特观点(Colucci & Fulmer, 2024)。对于那些不是太空专业人士的读者——即我们大多数人——Lamont Colucci博士（第10太空三角洲部队条令发展主任）和Jack “Jay” Fulmer II上校（第10太空三角洲部队指挥官）阐述了美国军队最新分支:美国太空部队(USSF)的重要性、作用和责任。作者阐述了为何太空在世界经济、技术、医学和保护国家利益方面的重要性将继续扩大。他们认为，我们现在正处于一个“枢轴”点，其中“天体政治”将“越来越多地决定地缘政治”，而不是相反。这种“基本认识”尚未在国家安全决策圈或广大公众中得到认可。 Colucci和Fulmer(2024)出色地为政策从业者和学者揭开了USSF及其职能的神秘面纱。他们还强调，需要并界定一个新的概念框架来满足新的地缘（天文）战略举措。最后，他们试图纠正“公众对USSF及其严重性的认识缺乏”（或星际迷航式的俏皮话和琐碎化；参见Swisher, 2021）给美国捍卫国家安全实践一事带来的挑战。这对每一位政策学者和从业者而言是一篇极为有趣的必读之作，它将必然推动所有人进入即将到来的外星世界事务时代——而且时机还不算太早。 接下来的两篇文章以不同的方式与Colucci和Fulmer(2024)的文章相呼应。这两篇文章将讨论范围扩大到美国以外的领域，进入了国际法领域。在探索网络空间操作如何影响国际安全时，Maesschalk(2024)强调了国际法如何落后于网络技术发展，以及网络空间不监管的后果。他认为，各国能够而且应该协同创建一个功能性监管框架，其中涉及“透明度以及维护安全和人权的承诺”——尤其是在网络恐怖袭击方面。Hulsroj(2024)的文章继续聚焦于国际法，批判分析了自1927年“莲花号”案判决以来，常设国际法院如何（错误）诠释了“不禁止即为允许”原则。作者还调查了该原则涉及的规范性冲突。作者探讨了当国际法保持沉默时“莲花号”案原则的使用实例，以及该原则的使用如何继续对当前国际法争议的公平解决造成威胁——包括《外层空间条约》、空间武器化、太空垃圾管理和气候变化问题。作者随后提出了如何推动解决这一问题的实际步骤。 Grosman和Raadschelders(2024)对“欧盟(EU)和美国如何管理因2022年俄罗斯入侵乌克兰而造成的大规模难民移民”一事进行了出色的比较分析。研究聚焦于欧盟和美国在历史上使用过的用于限制难民进入其领土的公开手段和隐蔽手段，以及这些手段如何（在不同程度上，并根据美国和欧盟最重要的不同动机）被用于遏制乌克兰移民。 将焦点转向非洲治理问题，Asongu等人(2024)评估了政治稳定性和法治的治理动态如何调节47个撒哈拉以南非洲国家旅游业发展的国内投资和贸易开放度。他们的研究结果表明，同时实施用于加强国内投资和促进法治的政策，可能会提高该地区的旅游业效率。在一篇相关文章中，Asongu和Odhiambo(2024)就自然资源租金一事实证研究了44个撒哈拉以南非洲国家的贸易绩效与治理之间的交叉。 Azad(2024)在《友利银行和华盛顿的双重打击》(Whipsawed by Woori and Washington)一文中详细探讨了近期和当代韩国总统在中东外交政策中面临的挑战。作者展示了大韩民国历届政府如何难以平衡“其在该地区不断增长的商业利益”（特别是对于以前来自伊朗的关键石油进口）与“美国对韩国在与美国近期的中东政策和利益方面保持一致的期望”。意料之中的是，这种挤压的结果对韩国来说并不是最佳的。 Brunello(2024)在一篇精彩的长评论文中对“当今的共和国在美国意味着什么以及此概念如何背离了开国元勋们所制定的定义”进行了博学且非常及时的分析。作者提到，1787年，当本杰明·富兰克林被问及制宪会议的结果时，他回答说:“一个共和国，如果你能保留它的话！”。Brunello对特朗普主义、强人民粹主义、“反觉醒主义”和国家认同危机等的深思熟虑的讨论表明，美国最近如何面临着完全失去它（即共和国）的风险。文章还强调了当前和未来就维持共和国一事最需要充分考虑的因素。 Momen(2024)的评论文借鉴了有关领土权利的讨论(see also Techagaisiyavanit, Chokprajakchat, & Mulaphong, 2023)，聚焦于种姓歧视和保护达利特人权利，这是当代印度最复杂且最具挑战性的问题之一。 最后，Greco (2024) 对Adachi和Usami所著的《可持续未来的治理:日本的最新进展》(Governance for a Sustainable Future: The State of the Art in Japan)(Eds; 2023)提供了一篇内容丰富且非常有用的书评。 我鼓励您向本刊提交您对本期发表的文章的回应和批评，并邀请您就当今世界事务（无论是地球的、外星的、或虚拟的）中的重要问题提交您的原创文章、短评论文或长评论文。我特别强调，在不久的将来需要就公平的人工智能监管进行更多的学术辩论和实际政策辩论。本刊旨在增加一系列替代性观点，并激发对当代政策和时事的大胆辩论。热烈邀请您向《世界事务》提交您的学术文章、批评性和主题性评论文、述评文章、以及书评，投稿网址为:https://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/waf。 Dr. Emma R. Norman 主编 《世界事务杂志》 [email protected] Bienvenido al primer número del volumen 187 de Asuntos Mundiales (WAJ)—el primer número de esta antigua y distinguida revista publicado por nuestro nuevo públicador, Wiley. Después de varios meses de transición, estoy encantado de trabajar junto al equipo de producción de Wiley y aliento a todos los posibles autores de WAJ a aprovechar al máximo los excelentes servicios adicionales que ahora ofrece la revista bajo la producción de Wiley. Antes de embarcarme en mi habitual resumen de los artículos de este número, quiero hacer un llamado rotundo para que se envíen más presentaciones a WAJ lo antes posible en un área de formulación de políticas que cada día se vuelve más crítica. En noviembre de 2023, Elon Musk advirtió al primer ministro británico, Rishi Sunak, que la Inteligencia Artificial (IA) bien podría convertirse en la “fuerza más disruptiva de la historia.” En marzo de 2023—junto con el cofundador de Apple, Steve Wosniak, y otros líderes tecnológicos—Musk escribió una carta abierta pidiendo a los laboratorios de IA que suspendieran el entrenamiento avanzado en IA durante seis meses de manera “pública y verificable.” Además de pedir este momento para implementar procedimientos de seguridad compartidos y protocolos de supervisión independientes rigurosos, la carta también destacó la necesidad de trabajar con los responsables políticos para “acelerar el desarrollo de sistemas robustos de gobernanza de la IA.” Esos seis meses ya han pasado y todavía estamos de al día para con los en de desarrollo de A que a mi presentaciones a WAJ en esta área la carta de cada más que la de la IA de y que los y de políticas un central a la de y se políticas por y los lo que envíen a WAJ https://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/waf) artículos y en el de la de la con en de políticas una para en los del virtual y la formulación de políticas para el para el de nuestro primer de este de de los artículos más a WAJ que en en un que ofrece un y de la de la la la la y seguridad de y (Colucci & Fulmer, 2024). que del la de Dr. Lamont Colucci (Director de de Space Delta 10) y el Jack “Jay” Fulmer II Space Delta 10) la y de la más del la de los autores por el en de la la la y la de los y que ahora estamos en un de la cada más la y al se en los de políticas de seguridad en el en Colucci y Fulmer (2024) un al la y para los para los la necesidad de un nuevo conceptual para hacer a y de los que la de y al Swisher, 2021) la y a la de la seguridad en para y de políticas que a todos la era de artículos de la de Colucci y Fulmer el de más de los y los del En de en el la seguridad Maesschalk (2024) el por de la y de la de del que los y para un que y un para la seguridad los en lo que a los con el Hulsroj (2024) la de el de que el Lotus de 1927 el en el de se el de Lotus el y la de del el el el la de y del para hacer la Grosman y Raadschelders (2024) un de la y han la de de la de en 2022. se en los y que han para la de a y se y de con los más para y la la a de gobernanza Asongu y otros (2024) la de gobernanza de la y el de la de la y la en el desarrollo del en 47 del que la de políticas para la y el de a un más en la En un Asongu y Odhiambo (2024) la el y la gobernanza en de de en 44 del En “Whipsawed by Woori and Washington,” Azad (2024) en los que los y en en de la de (ROK) han para en la en lo que a de que antes de con lo que de la de en de era de los de esta han para del En Brunello (2024) ofrece un y de lo que una en los y este se de la y por los se a Franklin en 1787 los de la el de Brunello el el el y la de el de por también lo que más en para la de (2024) se en también Techagaisiyavanit, y Mulaphong, 2023) y se en la de y la de los de los Dalit de los más y de la Greco (2024) ofrece una y del Governance for a Sustainable Future: The State of the Art in y a a WAJ y a los artículos en este número, artículos y de de en los de la necesidad de un debate más y la de la IA en un de la revista la de y un debate políticas y de a artículos y de de y de a World Affairs en https://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/waf.